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by Philippe M. F. Peycam, CKS Director The ‘New Trends in Khmer Studies’ conference organized by the Center for Khmer Studies (CKS) took place at the Center’s Conference Hall at Wat Damnak in Siem Reap on January 8-9, 2004. This one and a half day meeting had 25 speakers and attracted over 100 people. The original idea of this conference was to bring together representatives of Cambodian and international institutions of higher learning, university faculties, individual scholars, and students from Phnom Penh, as well as representatives of foundations and private benefactors. We wanted to ensure that as many Cambodian students and young graduates from Phnom Penh universities would be able to attend and participate in the meeting. We also wanted the Cambodian young researchers involved in the CKS research & fellowship programs to be exposed to the kind of environment encountered at international academic conferences. Presentations were organized by thematic panels which were moderated and later open for questions from the larger audience. The second original idea of this conference was the choice of subjects presented. Entitled ‘New Trends in Khmer Studies’, the conference aimed to introduce preliminary research results achieved by the various CKS-sponsored projects and individual fellowships. CKS collective projects, under a three-year program funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, aimed to link Cambodian young researchers with international counterparts in co-directed research activities in three respective fields; pre-Angkorean archaeology, vernacular architecture and social anthropology. With these themes chosen and prioritized at the 2001 inaugural CKS conference, one of the program’s objectives was to seek new research data in these rather neglected areas of study. The second ambition of the program was to empower Cambodians to take leadership at high-level research levels. This was achieved through the involvement and support of universities such as the Royal University of Fine Arts, Hawai’i University, and National University of Singapore. The conference provided individual researchers an opportunity to present and receive feedback on their work. In the past three years, CKS received funding from the Luce Foundation, and more recently from the Toyota Foundation, for setting up individual fellowship programs for US and Cambodian junior scholars respectively. The first program –now completed-- has enabled six young researchers from the US to undertake fieldwork in Cambodia. Areas covered ranged from art history, village anthropology, history, medical anthropology, religious studies and socio-economic anthropology. The variety of the subjects reflects a ‘new trend’ in Khmer studies appreciating the interwoven complexity of the field. Two representatives of the program, Chean Men, Ph.D. candidate from Hawai’i University and Tyrone Siren from the University of Madison-Wisconsin, presented their preliminary findings. The first presented a fascinating account of pharmaceutical use among Cambodians today. Tyrone’s research on the border economy of Cambodia, especially its casino industry, also offered a new glimpse of what Khmer studies may include. The second fellowship program presented at the conference was the Junior Fellowship Program for Cambodians funded by the Toyota Foundation. Under a unifying theme of ethnographic study at the village level, young Cambodian researchers undertook their own individual field research project. Subjects covered ranged from minority communities in the highlands, refugee returnees, garment female workers, or collective memories at two different villages. The conference attendees were surprised by the quality of their research, and by the method laid forward by the program directors to combine research and methodology training through the model of individual mentorship of research students. The conference also offered an opportunity for individual affiliated researchers to present their work; from Dr. Tim Winter in cultural studies, to Cambodian researchers who participated last August in the CKS-sponsored International Convention of Academic Scholars in Singapore. Again, the diversity of topics covered was an indication of the vibrancy of the field. For all these reasons stated, the New Trends conference has been a great success. It has encouraged us at CKS to pursue our mission of opening the field of Khmer Studies further to new areas of investigation while continuing to promote Cambodian researchers. It has also confirmed the necessity to continue running these kinds of events on a regular basis in Cambodia. I want to end this introduction in order to thank the CKS staff who were behind this event, notably Emiko Stock, Tara Mar, and Doung Sopheap. Philippe M.F. Peycam, CKS Director
8:30 9:00-10:30
Introduction - Dr. John Miksic, National University of Singapore, CKS
Program Coordinator Phum Snay excavation project - Thuy Chantourn / Dr. Dougald O’Reilly, RUFA Eastern Cambodia Archaeological Survey - Pon Kaseka, RUFA / Dr. Bert Davis, NAGA
Discussion -
Moderator: Dr. Bion Griffin, U. of Hawaii
Introduction
– Kim Sedara, CKS Program Coordinator
14:00-15:30 Introduction
– François Tainturier, CKS Program Coordinator
15:45-17:30 Summary presentations of works by 2001 and 2002 fellows (Jennifer Fowley, Eve Zucker, Au Sokhieng, and Dr. John Marston)
Chean Rethy Men, 2003 Junior Fellow, University of Hawaii
Tyrone Siren, 2003 Junior Fellow, University of Wisconsin at Madison Friday January 9, 2004
8:30-10:00 Introduction
- Dr. Tan Phong, RUFA/CKS
10:45–12:00
Global, Local, Visions
of Angkor, Developing a Critical Analysis of Culture Heritage and Identity
in an Age of International Tourism – Dr. Tim Winter, University of Manchester /
British Academy
Women in Higher Education in
Cambodia - Run Sambath (CKS)
n Junior U.S. Scholars
Global, Local, Visions
of Angkor, Developing a Critical Analysis of Culture Heritage and Identity
in an Age of International Tourism - Dr. Tim Winter, University of Manchester /
British Academy
By H.E. NOUTH Narang In memory of Mr. SAM Yang, colleague and friend, who passed away while fighting for reform at the Royal University of Fine Arts. Until 1970, Khmer Studies were first and foremost the work of the École Française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO), which after more than a century of patient work, be it theoretical or practical, still remains the main institution to conserve Khmer cultural treasures today. EFEO has seen the emergence and the maturation of a great number of professors and researchers who, directly or indirectly, are our mentors. We could not do without their momentous work, whether it concerns their methodology or their scientific synthesis. In particular, I am thinking of Georges CŒDĖS in the field of history and Bernard-Philippe GROSLIER in the field of archeology and social sciences. Different trends and sensibilities have emerged from this school, going hand in hand with the development of knowledge which tended more and more toward the multidisciplinarity imposed by the renewal of science in France at the end of the nineteenth century then dominated by the French school of sociology under the tutelage of DURKHEIM and Marcel MAUSS, human geography under the tutelage of RATZEL and VIDAL de la BLACHE, and the social history of the École des Annales founded by Marc BLOCH, MORAZÉ and BRAUDEL. By and large Orientalism benefited from this contribution, and Khmer Studies could not resist the trends of the time either. Thus, we saw the emergence of great names: Paul MUS, Pierre GOUROU, and later on, Jean FILLIOZAT, Bernard-Philippe GROSLIER and Georges CONDOMINAS, to mention only a few. A number of Khmer scholars had the great privilege to be their students. I will only mention the names that I remember well, in particular, Ms. PHONG Tan, Mr. ANG Choulean and myself. I would also like to pay tribute to a brilliant intellectual, a close friend of GODELIER and friend to all of us, who threw himself with brio in this new trend. Alas, like many Cambodians, he was among the victims of the genocidal madness. MAN Tengson remains a shiny example for us and his departure was a great loss. Among the Khmers who were the first to dedicate themselves to scientific research, we can mention the Venerable PANG Khat, followed by Mr. AU Chhieng, both of whom passed away. Madame POU Saveros continues tirelessly to mentor young new researchers and to supervise their work despite her age. An uncontested specialist of ancient Khmer, she has done invaluable work in the fields of literature, linguistics and philology. Given the results already gathered by a great number of scientists and specialists of Khmer Studies, today I will focus solely on the studies’ present situation which is the main purpose of this conference and the preoccupation of the Center for Khmer Studies (CKS). It is an honor and a pleasure for me to take part in this event in your company and I would like to thank the organizers for their judicious initiative. But beforehand, I would like to remind everyone of the role of CEDORECK, a private institution created in 1975 in order to respond to a particularly dramatic situation. At that time, the purpose was to maintain and to stimulate research which was of prime importance if we were to assure Cambodia’s survival. During all those dark years, CEDORECK tried to be the leading center when it came to safeguarding Khmer culture, and by the same token, Khmer studies. It tried to bring together professors and students so that scholarly endeavors could be better coordinated. Little by little, new researchers have emerged, but in isolated fashion, and CEDORECK has played a federator role, particularly through the creation of the journal “SEKSA KHMER” and the collection “BIBLIOTHÈQUE KHMÈRE” (Khmer Library). Since 1992, research has taken new flight due to the complete reopening of Cambodia. CEDORECK immediately transferred its seat to the country. Scientists working for APRONUC such as Gérard DIFFLOTH, present here among us, Fabienne LUCOT or Miss GUILLOU had at that time the long-awaited opportunity to undertake research or to continue with research which had been interrupted. At the Royal University of Fine Arts, I have begun an in-depth project of reform and have entrusted it to my friend SAM Yang who passed away while dedicating body and soul, to the endeavor. For this, I would like to pay a tribute to him today. The spirit of this reform consisted in modernizing the structure and to raise the scientific level. Several affiliations have been established, notably with the University of Hawaii (USA), that of Tübingen (Germany), Quebec (Canada), Senghor (Egypt), as well as French and Japanese universities. Scientific cooperation has been undertaken within this framework, especially concerning the prehistoric period: Angkor Borei, Mémot’s round village. For lack of information, I cannot describe the activities of other institutions such as the Royal Khmer Academy, APSARA, RUPP and the organizer of this conference itself, CKS. However, it seems to me that all research these days does not proceed from an overall reflection on the scientific problematics of Cambodia. Rather it seems to be timely and dictated more by strategic reasons than by true reflections on the real needs of the country in the matter of scientific research. Cambodia’s interest is eclipsed and relegated to the background because research, not being coordinated enough, might scatter and might lack specific purposes. Such a situation constitutes a danger in light of today’s loss of identity references. We know that today Khmer society is shattered. All the principal pieces which assure the solidity of the system have been dislocated. The situation of rupture has reached the heart of national identity and its fragility concerns all the systems, be it political, economic, ideological… It is within this perspective of rehabilitating the entire society that Khmer studies should be conceived. However, they are undertaken in a scattered fashion without a general framework while Cambodia desperately needs the results of the research in order to better understand itself. Georges CŒDÈS has already noticed the following thing: “I recognize that such a history, made up of a list of kings, wars, border changes, description of the court and the elite’s mores, only offers a series of skeletons without soul and flesh. What is missing from it is the knowledge of the human environment, its customs and beliefs, of economic trends and social transformations, of the obscure forces which brought about the emergence of powerful personalities” (CŒDÈS, “Peuples,” 1964, p.200). I wholeheartedly agree with CŒDÈS’ remark for I believe it is imperative to reexamine the perspectives of research, to establish specific orientations, and to fix a framework. Thus, I recommend that a national authority be in charge of research organization, establish the general framework and its orientations, as well as the rules to follow in order to manage the whole of the work done in the field. On my part, to nourish your thoughts, I would like to offer a commentary concerning the notion of “Me/Ba” in Khmer culture. Georges CŒDÈS has shown that “the cult of the divined kingdom” is the source of inspiration for Cambodia’s great monuments” (Conference in Rome by Georges CŒDÈS). The author explains that “this phenomenon comes from the Indian genius.” He is particularly astonished to find out that “if it is without doubt that the conception of monuments in Cambodia derives from the religious thoughts of India, it is no less certain that the realization of it is the work of indigenous artists who had their own tradition inherited from a distant past, anterior to the imposition of the Indian culture on the people of Southeast Asia.” At that time, all the authors agreed on the contribution of an exterior civilization, that is to say India, on a people called inferior. They called this phenomenon “Indianisation.” In his article, Georges CŒDÈS tends to justify the Indianisation phenomenon by way of the postulate that Indian products reproduce the same identity: the cast phenomenon, symbolic of architectural systems, of political ideology. However, one does not find reproductions that are perfectly similar to those of India. What emerge are other marginal aspects in India, for the indigenous people have appropriated them for themselves. From this body of work, I tried to rethink this phenomenon from the indigenous context. Research in ethnology as in sociology have come a long way in explaining the phenomena of cultural contacts, notably the mechanism of extension often invoked by GODELIER, especially in his work on the Incas, to explain archaic mechanisms. I explain this phenomenon by the appropriation of the exterior contribution by a process of acculturation which brings about the development or the evolution of social body by the linear mutation from a situation to another: for Cambodia I call it “process of Khmerisation.” Indeed, to go back to the origin and according to Georges CŒDÈS himself, the characteristic of the Austroasiatic civilization is “the cosmological dualism whereby mountain and sea, winged species and aquatic species, people of the mountains and those of the coast are in opposition. Being part of this same family, the Mon-Khmer civilization, rests on the same principle. Conditioned by the binary rhythm of the seasons, this civilization functions around a principle which inspires cosmic dualism. Thus was built Khmer society, which rests on the complementariness between feminine (“Mé”) and masculine (“Ba”) elements assimilated to water and earth respectively. The combination of water and earth thus rules Khmer mentalities, customs and beliefs from the cosmic dimension of the royal power to the most minute details of ordinary life. Their union is immortalized through the totemic reptile which is the Naga. A reptile, at once male and female, living on earth and in the water, its cyclic mutations bestow upon it a characteristic of immortality. The cultural foundation of Khmer society therefore rests on this principle which remains very much alive today. The understanding of Khmer monuments cannot be achieved without reference to this principle inherent in “Khmerness” (“khmerité”). It is by thinking about “the Khmer conception of the city-capital” that I engaged in this research. Here I will summarize my position on the subject. The city-capital is the seat of political power. The Indian contribution introduced the conception of the universal State, but the latter has been associated with the ancient cult of the indigenous people which rests on the Mé/Ba principle, the chthonic cult of the guardian of the ground. This association gave birth to a new organization of space conformed to the Indian monograph and the Mé/Ba characteristics of the indigenous people. Thus, the capital, center of the country, respected the square figure surrounded by moats, that is to say the primordial ocean with a natural or artificial mountain assimilated to Mount Meru, axis of the world, in its center. It is therefore in alignment with the cosmos. It is there that reside the gods who assure the edification of royal power in linking the earth to the sky and in giving the monarchy its magical character. Before the ninth century, the center was made of “square plane towers whose superstructure was made up of a series of decreasing steps reproducing the essential traits of the principal structure.” Since Jayavarman II, the seat of the monarchy is marked by a new type constituted by a sanctuary mounted on a stepped pyramid which is called “temple-mountain” (“Prasat Phnom”). Since that time, the process of Khmerisation was reinforced, thus assuring modernity to Khmer society without it losing its roots. On the contrary, this allowed it to flourish and brought it to its peak. According to the Indian tradition, the square represents perfection and the absolute divine, but for the Khmers, it is assimilated to water, symbol of the feminine element, also considered as the symbol of purity. As for the mountain, be it artificial or natural, it represents the earth, the continent, and therefore the masculine element in the Austroasiatic civilization. It is the seat of the sacred, and for the Khmers, the shelter for the cult of the ancestors who become the masters of earth and water. Here, Indian cosmology and the cosmological dualism of the Austroasiatics are completely associated to form a symbiosis. The Mé/Ba principle serves as support for the deification of power which therefore finds its justification in a modern context. The perpetuation is thus assured. It is on the Mé/Ba principle that the Khmers have edified their social mutations since the Funan through the combination of exogenous Indian elements and indigenous elements: association of the Yoni with the Khmer feminine element Mé and the Linga with the Khmer masculine element Ba. This has therefore given birth to a new microcosm which was omnipresent in the Khmer world and allowed the assurance of its immortality. The seat of political power rests on this perennial character of the Mé/Ba which supports all the superstructures. Whether it was during the Funan, Chen-La, Angkor, Lovek, Oudong or Phnom Penh period, one after the other, the Neak Ta, the King of the Mountain, the Devaraja, the Buddharaja took their turn on this “pedestal.” This practice can be found in all the rituals of passage and consecration: New Year, Water Festival, wedding, house warming, ordination of a monk. The Mé/Ba principle can be reduced to the following equation: Mé/Ba=Water/Earth=Feminine/Masculin=Yoni/Linga=Krong=Nagara=Universe=Society In conclusion, I would like to draw attention to the good work the Center for Khmer Studies has done in order to bring together in the same forum young Khmer researchers and their research directors. This marks a new stage which, I am sure, will contribute to bringing science and Khmer studies to a higher level, thus allowing Cambodia to have access to scientific tools that are necessary for the country’s progress and dignity.
By Run Sambath, CKS While women constitute the majority in Cambodia (53.2%), their enrollment rate in higher education institution is low (about 16%). This paper will explain why the number of female students who enter higher education is so low. There are some constraints on the education of women that are linked to Khmer traditions, for example: girls are tied up with responsibilities in the home, many parents do not prioritize time and resources to send their daughters to school but only their sons, female students are sometimes convinced by their parents to marry early and thus quit school, and some parents still believe that if girls are literate their morality will be in question. These traditional norms, however, are less popular in contemporary Cambodia. Trends are changing. For example, women can learn foreign languages - in particular English – and have access to the media and Internet. Many parents are aware of the value of educating their daughters. However, the chance for women to benefit from higher education remains relatively low, due in part to a lack of self-confidence in pursuing education. This paper was selected from research findings of the project, “Youth Culture and Higher Education in Cambodia,” coordinated by the Center for Khmer Studies and funded by the Rockefeller Foundation. For this particular paper, research was conducted at the Royal University of Fine Arts in Phnom Penh. I. Cambodian Women in Higher Education Cambodia still has social weaknesses caused by many factors that are caused by infrastructure problems of economy, politics, health care and population increase (Fiske: 1994). The percentage of women in the population has increased to above average for total numbers of citizens at 53.2% (Athukorala et al.: 2000), but the participation of women in all sectors is very low compared to that of men. The Cambodian nation needs women as well as men to improve the value of education in society. The percentage of women in the education field is still significantly lower than men. For example, there were only 16% of female students who studied in higher education (Gray and Chenda: 1997). This amount is very low if we compared to the relevant percent of women in the population. In contemporary Cambodia there is a lot of encouragement for women to study, but it doesn’t really promote many females to enter higher education. This is the reason I created a research question for discussion based on the idea "Why is the number of female students who enter higher education so much lower than the number of males?”
For this paper, I was
selected to research these findings under the project, “Youth Culture
and Higher Education in Cambodia,” coordinated by the Center for Khmer
Studies and funded by the Rockefeller Foundation that commenced in
October 2001. I conducted research at the Royal University of Fine Arts
in Phnom Penh, in the Departments of Archaeology and Architecture &
Urbanism by using the techniques of participant observation,
unstructured and group discussion interviews. In the mornings, I went to
complete participant observation with students, while in the afternoons,
I wrote field notes recording information and analyzed views by reading
relevant literature. II. Why are women not enrolled in higher education? Cultural Issues Dependent on the impact of Khmer tradition, there is a gap between the role of males and females in society - such as, women’s obligation to do housework which prevented them from going out, and the men were expected to earn an income to support family life (Gray and Chenda: 1997). For example, when we met many old ladies and asked them about their level of education, they answered that they never went to school at all, as in their generation the parents believed that if a daughter could read and write, they would equal men and thus find husbands themselves. This activity would bring shame to them and injure their relationship with the family. The daughter couldn’t enroll in higher education due to economic problems in the family. Parents considered that a son is the prime supporter of the family's future (Beneria and Bisnath: 2000), and a male student described how he could study till university level as his older sister decided to stop her studies and go into business after secondary school to help her parents and thus provide the means for her brother to study to a higher level. Moreover, sons provide a link with the passing on of confidence, responsibility and lineal honor to their own family and relatives. In Khmer culture, especially for the Khmer-Chinese with respect to afore mentioned attitudes, some daughters were also forced to attend higher classes. Daughters who were resident in rural areas had a better chance to study in higher education than those in the towns, as due to Khmer traditions, parents rarely send daughters to study far away from home (King and Hill: 1993). This is corroborated by the fact that most female students who study at university are from the city. Other reasons may include married life which means that women can’t enter universities because of household work; means motherhood must be the governing concern and the care of her baby and husband to be a happy family. Marital status of women is important as it is seen there is no need to study as husbands will support her and supply her everyday needs (Gray and Chenda: 1997). In relation to these factors, I noted that several females postpone or are not very active in their studies at the university; for example, they couldn’t go to study or work in the long term away from house/husband/baby. Even though, women still have many difficulties related to former social influences and Khmer traditions that have remained in some families demonstrated from the above comments, the present situation see this country reformed to a free market economy. I believe that these former restraints are slowly eroding day by day. If we compare numbers in the secondary school enrollment rate of women that in 1965 that was only 0.42% (King and Hill: 1993), even now with the number of females at only 16% of students who enter higher education, it is predictable that with a free market economy there are already increases that will alter the position of women in society for the better. II. Participation of women in higher education: Globalization Since 1993, after changing to a free market economy based on globalization, Cambodia has reformed laws and interacted with many countries from abroad, producing a climate where foreign investment and international assistance for development is encouraged to work in partnership with Cambodian people (Chandler: 1996). Influenced by these globalizations, people in society have changed in order to adapt to the activities of a free market economy. Even though the number of women who wish to enter higher education still does not equal men, women have abandoned the old traditions and embraced modern youth culture resulting from the globalization of society. This means that both men and women have attempted to renovate parts of their old cultural beliefs to a new cultural outlook that challenges the market. While completing ethnographical studies in both departments I noted some female students had changed their behavior by wearing modern clothes, decorating their bodies, using hand-phones for their daily interaction, participating in trips and part-time study of English or other languages in the evening. These represent women’s development and are indicators of expanding knowledge and confidence. Because of recent changes in society, some Cambodian families have comprehended this and offer similar opportunities to both sons and daughters. Encouragement from society and parents Based on the studies of Gray in 1997, the percentage of female students in Archaeology was 36.89% and Architecture was 4.13%. These numbers can be considered low but indicate a growth on earlier statistics. According to my present research, females are encouraged by society and by the media, laws have been created that offer women the right to study and equal opportunities in work or scholarships to continue higher level education abroad (B.G. Tilak: 1993). The responses from quantitative surveys and participant observation indicate that most parents are satisfied by a daughter’s decision to attend the faculty - a decision made alone. These factors contribute to females entering higher education. Even though families or society encourages women, there still exist concepts that women have limitations to their level of ability, so they can never achieve true equality with men. Beliefs on self-value and ability of women Although, there is encouragement from family and society, I saw that some females were limited in their response to study tasks and could not be as successful as men. For example, even though female students tried hard to attend to their studies, male students appeared more clever and successful than females. Why should this be so? This question was discussed by a small group of male and female students in class at the department. A male student said that it was “because females have low capacity in language, so they can’t read as much literature in foreign language as males”. Another male student suggested, “females have no confidence in their ability, they always think that they are not as strong and can’t win, that's why their capacity is lower than the male”. A female student responded with, “even though she tried hard to study, she was not as strong as the male, because he is much cleverer than she was”. Each respondent may have been right, but I think yet another reasons is: daughters are more busy than sons in a family which means they have little time to study at home or in a library as some of them have to do housework or prepare meals in place of parents. Others are expected to assist parents in business besides attending school, so sons have more freedom than daughters (Gray and Chenda: 1997). Other issues to be considered by society include: women think more about external environment around themselves, tend to take less risks, lack bravery and are not as flexible with society's problems as men, as they are restricted by the situation of absence from the family. III. Conclusions My results indicate, the level of participation of females in higher education in contemporary Cambodia slightly improved, if compared to the recent past. Now many parents, and society in general, are aware of the value of educating their daughters as well as sons. So the traditional reasons for not educating a girl, that she must be protected and controlled, are less important today. And women have more encouragement and are provided more opportunities, but their participation is still limited. Part of the problems is that the cultural beliefs about women’s abilities still remain. Attitudes about their lack of bravery and their lack of cleverness are still apparent, and these beliefs in turn effect the women’s own ideas about themselves. Thus a lack of self-confidence is still an important self-limited factor in Cambodian higher education. References Beneria, Lourdes and Bisnath Savitri (2000), "Gender and Poverty: an Analysis for Action", in The Globalization Reader. Edited by Frank J. Lechner and John Boli, Malden, Massachusetts, p.173. Chandler, David (1996), Facing the Cambodian past: Selected Essays 1971-1994. Melbourne, Australia: Allen & Unwin, pp.314-315. Gray, Ingrid and Ith, Seang So Chenda (1997), "Females in Higher Education", in Higher Education in Cambodia. University of Canberra, Belconnen, pp.51-65. King, Elizabeth M. and Hill, Anne M. (1993), Women’s Education in Developing Countries. The Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 9-11, 273, 275.
By Hak Siphirath, CKS Education system in Cambodia remains devastated after the years of revolution and war in the 1970s, 80s and 90s. If we look at the educational system in Cambodia from primary school to higher education, we will see that teaching methods, materials and the practices of students and their quality are low (Slopper,1999). Referring to this fact, some university students think that they are not given enough quality from their formal education responding to the labor market, so they have to find outside trainings or non-formal education. This thinking is in line with studies in education that argue that in order to raise the quality of education, a combination of theories and real practices is needed (Seakly 2000). But in the Cambodian case there are still low levels of participation. This problem was so important that I decided to include this topic of Students and Non-Formal Education as a part of a larger research, entitled “Youth Culture and Higher Education in Cambodia,” coordinated by the Center for Khmer Studies and funded by the Rockefeller Foundation. Research has been ongoing since October 2001. The research for this paper was conducted in 2003. I used anthropological Method which includes ethnographic methods, participant observation, interviewing students and lecturers in two departments of the Royal University of Phnom Penh: History and Sociology department. This research was conducted over a period of 3 months. A Part of the aims of this research is to urge and encourage students to become involved in non-formal education in order to compensate for their weaknesses and generally to make known the advantages of non-formal education to Cambodian students. What is Non-Formal Education ? Formal educational systems have adapted too slowly to the socio-economic changes around them. They were held back not only by their own conservatism, but also by the inertia of societies themselves. Fordham writes, “If we also accept that educational policy-making trends follow rather than lead other social trends, then it followed that change would have to come not merely from within formal schooling, but from the wider society and from other sector within it. It was from this point of departure that planners and economists in the World Bank began to make a distinction between formal, informal and non-formal education.” (Fordham 1993:2) According to Coombs Prossor and Ahmed (1973) the definition of Formal, Informal and Non-Formal Education is the following: Formal Education: the hierarchically structured, chronologically graded ‘education system’, running from primary school through the university and including, in addition to general academic studies, a variety of specialized programs and institutions for full-time technical and professional training. Informal Education: the truly lifelong process whereby every individual acquires attitudes, values, skills and knowledge from daily experience and the educative influences and resources in his or her environment – from family and neighbors, from work and play, from the market place, the library and the mass media. Non-Formal Education: refers to any organized educational activity outside the established formal systems – whether operating separately or as an important feature of some broader activity – that is intended to server identifiable learning clienteles and learning objectives. According to Tight (1996:68), non-formal education is about “acknowledging the importance of education, learning and training which takes place outside recognized educational institutions”. According to the World Education Organization, Non-Formal Education is focus on general education that is not in the curriculums of formal schools and has no exactly time, place and limited age of participants. In conclusion we can say that this education is based on attending short courses and participating in society to get experiences. How Students access to Non-Formal Education in Cambodia After twelve years of study, students need to study 4 more years getting bachelor degree (except faculty of archeology (5 years) and medical science (7 years)). But many students complain that they are not qualified enough during the 16 years of study. The Asian Development Bank in 1994 showed that there were five main factors causing Cambodian higher education to achieve low level:
1-
Low quality of Education provided (which related to the 2nd one) Responding to these issues, non-formal education is needed to fulfill students’ capacity and abilities. According to my interviews, some students recognized that they are not given enough qualifications from their university education to get a job. So they have to improve their knowledge through Non-Formal Education. They think that their principal needs are languages and skills. Those students realize very well that non-formal education can fulfill their knowledge as well as help them to practice what have learnt. In addition they will be able to increase their understanding, communication skills, and most importantly improve their chances for finding a job easily. Participating in Skills and Languages Courses According to my research, most students study foreign languages such as English, French, Japanese, Thai and Chinese. Among these, they prefer to study English and French, because most documents related to the subjects studied at university are in English and/or French, and they have to write thesis in English for the graduation. Furthermore, if you want to get a good job or scholarship to study abroad, English is the most important. Financial, Management and Computer skills are also commonly learnt, because these skills are seen as leading to employment. Participating in Social–Related Courses This kind of education is generally done in workshops or short-term trainings. HIV/Aids, Protecting the Environment, Democracy, Leadership, Management, Administration, and Secretarial skills are the topics of the trainings most commonly seen. These courses are done by Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which work on human resources development. Some students who studied social-related courses, whom I interviewed, said that the courses make them to build better and wider relationship with NGOs, so that they have more chances to get a part time job or full time job within NGOs. Moreover, youth volunteer groups are established by the students after finishing the course. Their small groups work in civil society related what they have learnt. Some students organized researcher groups, environmental groups, and so on. Volunteer with NGOs to get experience Volunteer work is a special form of education, which plays a main role in developing society. Some students work in NGOs or in the government institutions as volunteers in full or part time. They work without getting paid or get paid very small amount of money. Sometimes, students volunteer to participate in the social activities such as walking for peace, cleaning public places, HIV/Aids campaigns, etc. Seeing these activities, we can say that students are interested in volunteering with NGOs, because they want to get experience. They expressed that every NGO and company always recruits people with more experience, at least two years experience is required in job announcements. But what we have found is that there are few such volunteer positions, and students do not have time to access this form of non-formal education. According to my research, even if some students know about the importance of Non-Formal Education, other students are unaware. Some students who involved in Non-Formal Education just to follow their peers. The Importance of Non-Formal Education When learning takes place through different methods, the results are different too. We can gain knowledge 20% from what we hear and 40% from what we hear and see but we can gain up to 80% from practicing and self-researching. (Seekly 2000) It is not only education from the faculty which can qualify students, but also learning from outside. If we do not participate or work in society, we will never get any experience, because learning needs to be applied. Related to this issue, we realize that students who do not join any courses outside their majors have no critical thinking and no abilities responding to the demands of the labor markets, as those who share skills from Non-Formal Education. According to the responses of students who did not join any non-formal education and my observation on this group, we can say that they do not have widely access to the society. They do not understand widely about social issues as well as what they see in the world. They do not understand well about their society and they do not have good access to employment. Most of them think that they want to be teachers after graduating, because becoming a teacher is easier than other jobs, and there are still shortages of teachers nowadays. But if we look at the students who got non-formal education outside the faculty or who worked as volunteers in advance, they have better access to jobs with bigger benefits. I do not mean that only students who get non-formal education will get a good job after finishing their studies, but for those who do not get any non-formal education, good job opportunities usually come from their own connections or from their own creativity. Obstacles of Cambodian Students to access Non-Formal Education Most job announcements, for example, need at least 2 years experience as a qualification. How do most of students get this experience, especially those who are studying or have just finished their studies? This requirement urges students to find work as volunteers while they are studying at the faculty or before applying any jobs, or they need other skills trainings. But there are some obstacles for students in finding extra skills. Most of NGOs that give non-formal education offer the courses during class hours, while attendance policies at the universities are very strict. Article 5.1 of the Faculty of Social and Human Science regulations says that “… Student must attend every class. If any students is absent more than 1/3 in a subject given or more than 20% of the practical class, they will be considered as giving up the rights to the examination…”. This is one of the problems hindering them from joining the extra trainings outside. There are some students who do not understand how important non-formal education is, so they refuse to access it. On the other hand, there are many students lacking knowledge of non-formal education, such as where it is given and how to get it. There are many students, who really want to volunteer, but they cannot get a chance. When there are some opportunities, they still cannot join to work as volunteers because they are not qualified enough, and there are many places, which will not allow students to conduct volunteer work. The Cambodian labor market is still very small. Students need to pay for the courses, while most students are poor, especially those who are from provinces. The Teachers’ perspectives on Non-Formal Education In the opinion of many teachers, Non-Formal Education is very important for students, but they can not open-mind allowing students to be absent at university, because it is the discipline of the university. However they still provide opportunities for some students to take time for part-time jobs, or volunteer with NGOs, or study other skills, this leeway is not given to all students. Therefore, students in the class always think the teachers are biased. Allowing some students, but not others to take up these opportunities means that the onus is on the student to make his or her case to the teacher in each individual circumstance. Conclusion Non-formal education is very important; according to the “Permanent Education” concept (Bagshaw and Brindley 1984:154) education has been known as a “Life Long Learning Process”. A fundamental principle of Permanent Education is that self-training is used for controlling the process of self-learning. So students are suggested to try to clearly understand about how important non-formal education is and to understand that they have to start learning now. The Cambodian education system is not preparing university students for real world jobs and opportunities, so students have to take it upon themselves to search for the outside programs and positions that will give them the skills that they need. References Training Manual, Training of Trainer, World Education/Cambodia, 2000 Kung Seakly, 4 principles of Non Formal Education, Vice Chief Office of Environment and Training, Ministry of Environment, 2000
Sloper, David, Higher Education in Cambodia, UNESCO, Bangkok,
1999, p. 299 Mapping Vernacular Heritage in Cambodian provinces By Hok Sokol Although extensive work has been done on Khmer monumental architecture, the field of vernacular architecture has not received the same attention. Few studies and research have dealt with this issue, and a lot needs to be done to preserve this significant part of Khmer culture. Khmer vernacular architecture refers to built structures, which are often in wood and used for domestic purposes by villagers, monks and peasants. Cambodian vernacular structures include the Vihear, (the prayer hall in the monastery), the sala, (the common room, where monks eat, study etc.), the kuti, (the monks’ residence), the salas (along roads that can serve as shelter for travelers), the kdoueng, (mills for the rice).and of course private houses. This research will focus on Khmer houses. Varying from one province to the other, they represent the beliefs, traditions, and construction techniques that Cambodian people have been respecting for centuries. However, like for many other aspects of the Khmer culture, all the rituals and traditions attached to Khmer houses are mainly orally based, and exist within a context of major historical tragedies and strong socio-economic changes. The sense of continuity and perpetuation of these traditions is being seriously disrupted. Old vernacular structures are not being given serious consideration and they are often dismantled and the timber sold, causing a significant part of Khmer identity to vanish. A part of an on-going research program funded by the Rockefeller Foundation and developed by the Center for Khmer studies, this research aims at making people, Cambodians and non-Cambodians aware of the need for protecting this built heritage.
Achieved to Date (December 2003)
Outcome Art Decor in Wooden Monasteries of Battambang and Kompong Cham provinces: a Preliminary Review By Song Sophy Only a few old wooden monasteries are still standing today in Cambodian provinces. They usually date back to the late 19th century and early 20th century. A part of Cambodia’s cultural heritage, these built structures represent traditions and techniques of carpentry and decorative art that have now almost vanished. Fortunately, their preservation has been made easier as they are usually not located close to any important landmark. The prestige of an important landmark is likely to attract contributions from local Cambodians or overseas Cambodian natives from the province, and thus lead to the destruction of the wooden prayer hall, resulting in it being replaced by a concrete one. It was the case of Wat Ek Phnom in Battambang and Wat Nokor in Kampong Cham. The purpose of this paper is to present the decorative art of these wooden monasteries. Wood provides the artists involved in the decoration of monasteries with a very good material on which to show their skills. This is why not a single part of the wooden structure is left blank. Old wooden monasteries usually display a profusion of decorations using various techniques and which vary from one province to the other. They always reveal the great creativity of Cambodian artists in their use of techniques to achieve visual effects and depict traditional themes in a peculiar way. It seems important to record and collect all these various techniques at a time when new monasteries are being built all over Cambodia with the same construction guidelines. This paper will attempt to document the variety of regional styles that actually existed a century ago, which no longer exists in Cambodia today. This paper is based on a survey undertaken in Battambang and Kampong Cham provinces, with more than twenty old wooden monasteries documented, distinct in their architectural features. The survey is part of an on-going research focused on Khmer wooden heritage in Cambodian provinces sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and developed by the Centre for Khmer Studies. Old Traditional Khmer Houses in early XX Century’s Cambodia: Representations, Beliefs and Ethnicity By Chy Rotha & Prak Vireak, CKS Cambodia is experiencing a new phase of development. What is old but not reflecting the magnificence of the Angkor period is considered to be inferior to the modern and less valuable. It is being given less consideration by young generations. For instance, houses built in today’s Cambodia don’t reflect the rich traditions that have been prevailing in terms of construction techniques, decorations, and styles. The purpose of this paper is to bring about some preliminary information regarding traditional wooden Khmer houses. It will attempt to demonstrate that old Khmer wooden houses represent a system of social representations and beliefs that are closely linked to the notion of ethnicity. The paper will present the different types of houses built in the late 19th and early 20th century. It will show that these different types of houses, the location of the house itself, and its architectural features were all various signs reflecting the status of the owner. This paper is based on a survey undertaken in two Cambodian provinces, Battambang and Kampong Cham, with over thirty old wooden houses documented. This survey is part of an on-going research project on Khmer wooden heritage sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and developed by the Center for Khmer Studies.
By Chean Rethy Men This paper examines the distribution and practices related to pharmaceutical use, particularly therapeutic injections in Cambodia. The purpose of the research is to find ways to address the current problem of inappropriate use of injections to treat a great variety of illnesses, and the role of unsafe injection practices in the transmission of infectious diseases. This study is based on the premise that if we want to change people’s behaviors regarding unnecessary and unsafe injection, we need to address the wider context of the social, cultural, and political economy of health and pharmaceuticals as the driving forces behind people’s decisions to use pharmaceuticals in particular manners. The popularity of therapeutic injection in developing and transitional countries has become a cause of concern for public health professionals. The World Health Organization (2001) estimated that more than 30 percent of some 16 billion injections given each year worldwide in developing and transitional countries are administered with injection equipment reused in the absence of sterilization, posing serious health risks to patients. WHO estimated that every year about 22 million hepatitis B infections, 2 million hepatitis C infections, and 260,000 HIV/AIDS cases are caused by reuse of syringes and needles (Hutin et al. 2003). This includes reusable syringes that are not sterilized before use and disposable syringes that are used more than once. The health risk caused by unsafe injections is a global problem, especially in developing countries. In Cambodia, little is known about the extent to which unsafe injection practices contribute to the rapid spread of infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS and hepatitis B and C and other blood-born diseases. Today Cambodia is experiencing rapid social, political, and economic changes. It is also confronting the nightmare of soaring rates of infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, and hepatitis B and C. The rapid spread of infectious diseases is rooted in a particular socio-cultural context, characterized by a complex network of social, political, economic factors, and changing lifestyle. One important aspect of infectious disease transmission that has not yet been studied in Cambodia is the inappropriate use of injections for a great variety of treatments. Because people perceive injections to have special curative power, there is a demand for injections unrelated to the proper delivery of medicines and vaccines. Consequently, injections are used in many more therapeutic encounters than they are indicated for, and the syringes and related paraphernalia are not handled correctly. Despite recent attempts to educate people about the risk of transmitting infectious diseases by the use of unsterilized syringes, injections continue to be popular, whether they are administered formally at hospitals and informally at home or at private clinics. The main objective of my study is to investigate the distribution of pharmaceuticals from the national to the local contexts. The widespread use and popularity of pharmaceuticals in developing countries have stirred interests among researchers in many disciplines. Medical anthropologists began to shift their “exotic” gazes from just studying healing rituals and medicinal herbals to the practical reality of pharmaceuticals use in a particular society. And for the last two decades, pharmaceutical phenomenon in developing countries has been well documented, particularly on issues of distribution, self-medication, prescription practice, and political economy of pharmaceuticals use. The widespread popularity of pharmaceuticals, influenced by availability and global marketing, is rapidly expanding across all regions of the globe, even to marginalized areas of the world. The way in which pharmaceuticals are distributed in developing country is a complex phenomenon. It is important to investigate how international and national policy of drug distribution influences local patterns of transaction and use of medicines, and how it is linked to the global context of pharmaceutical distribution. In Cambodia, it is found that pharmaceuticals are transacted through both the formal sector such as hospitals, pharmacies, health centers and informal sector which includes private pharmaceutical companies, markets, such as the Olympic market where drugs are sold in large quantity, private pharmacies, and even grocery stores. These two systems of distribution are closely intertwined and mutually dependent on one another (Etkin and Tan 1994; van der Geest et al. 1996). For instance, I found that many health professionals working in public health centers or hospitals also engage in selling drugs and providing medical treatments such as injection in the community outside of their professional context. Many pharmacies in Cambodia mostly are owned by pharmacists and health professional workers who also work in the public health sector. From my preliminary finding, I contend that within the Cambodian context this interdependence develops out of the following circumstances: (1) lack of effective (enforceable) national healthcare policies that regulate the distribution and use of pharmaceuticals; (2) the proliferation of private markets dealing in pharmaceutical distribution; (3) medical practitioners commonly providing healthcare and selling medicine outside of their formal place of work; and (4) traditional healers resorting to Western pharmaceuticals to treat their patients in order to retain them. However, it is also important to examine the global and national contexts on how political, economic, and social force impact drug distributions and transactions in Cambodia (Craig 2002; Whyte and van der Geest 1994). At the global level, research needs to address the nature of global market strategies and how national policies affect local pharmaceutical transactions and practices. For instance, a personnel at the Food and Drug department states that “although this year the government has increased the national budget for drugs supply to public sector from 1 million USD in 1993 to 16 million in 2003, there is no medicine available in 2003 for the public health sector across the country. This happens because the government has direct control over the procurement system by allowing pharmaceutical companies to operate on their own agenda. This situation has allowed pharmaceutical companies to run wild in the country.” Thus, pharmaceuticals provide prime examples of double processes of globalization and localization that characterized today’s world. It is inadequate to analyze pharmaceutical phenomenon without attending to both processes (Craig 2002; Nitcher and Nostorm 1998; Tan 1999).To look at globalization alone is to ignore the everyday life of those who provide and use pharmaceuticals, but to focus narrowly on local contexts is to ignore the larger contexts in which people also live (van der Geest 1998). In this respect, pharmaceuticals in a local setting must be understood within a broader context—particularly how global market and national policy make pharmaceuticals available in any given community. Even though pharmaceuticals are now available all over the world, the ways in which they are provided and perceived are locally patterned (Etkin 1988). Like all other Western commodities, pharmaceuticals move across greater distance but knowledge about them tends to become partial, contradicted, and differentiated in different contexts. They are made socially and culturally meaningful (Appadurai 1986). This notion clearly is expressed in the injection phenomenon throughout developing countries. Studies have shown that injections are overused for many different types of therapeutic purposes and in all types of therapeutic settings. Sciortino (1993) reports that in rural central Java about 80 to 90 percent of consultations end in injections. In India, Greenhalg (1987) finds that a third of the patients utilizing private healthcare were given injections of antimicrobial, vitamins or analgesics. Michel (1985) indicates that in Africa injections of chloroquine were given to treat even mild cases of malaria. In Thailand, injections are used for a variety of purposes, from treating malaria to inducing (illegal) abortion (Narkavonnakit 1979).This overuse and inappropriate use of injection occurs in both the public and private healthcare arena. Formal healthcare providers often give injections because they feel obliged to satisfy their patients' perception of proper treatment (Bloem and Wolffers 1993). Because people perceive injections to have special curative power, there is a demand for injections unrelated to the proper delivery of medicines and vaccines. The result of a survey, conducted by the MoH (2002) among the general population in Takeo Province and Phnom Penh city, indicates that 40% of the population received at least one injection within the last three months, 90% of them are for therapeutic purpose and only 10% for immunization. 40% of the general population in Takeo province reported receiving at least one injection in the last six months, yielding an overall frequency of injections of 6 injections per person and per year. When ask about their perception regarding injection and oral medication, 47% of the population believes that injection is more powerful than oral medication in treating illness. And 32% prefer injections when treating fever. The overuse of injection in Cambodia is a reflection of a general inappropriate use of medicine and a consequence of: 1) misunderstanding between the prescribers/providers and the patients, and 2) economic incentive to the prescription of injections among prescribers. This miscommunication between prescribers and patients has been cited as one of the major factors contributing to the overuse of injection worldwide: prescribers believe that patients demand injections and patients believe that providers prefer to give injection. One proposed strategy to clarify this misunderstanding is called Interactional Group Discussion (Ministry of Health 2002). Interactional Group Discussion (IGD) is a behavioral intervention whereby the injection prescribers and the general population exchange views on injections with the assistance of a facilitator. IGD can clarify the misunderstandings between the prescribers and patients and be effective at decreasing injection overuse. IGD is a reality testing of prescribers’ beliefs about patient perceptions. It is an intervention strategy that can reduce unnecessary injection, thus preventing the transmission of infectious agents through unsafe injections. The interactional group discussion was first implemented in Indonesia. The original study included 12 healthcare centers as the intervention group and 12 other healthcare centers in a control group. Before the implementation of the IGD intervention, the baseline frequency of injection was estimated in health facilities through a prescription survey. The result of the survey indicated that 68% of prescriptions include at least one injection. After the IGD intervention was implemented, there was a substantial and sustained decrease in injection use within the intervention group from 68% to 20% (Prawitasari et al. 1996). The IGD intervention was recently implemented in the informal private sector of Karachi, Pakistan. During the intervention, an identical misunderstanding between patients and prescribers was documented. However, the post-intervention prescription survey has not yet been conducted to evaluate its impact (Hussain 2003).This proposed pilot project will assess the effectiveness of the same IGD intervention to reduce the use of injections in public health facilities in Cambodia. Presently, the Ministry of Health is implementing this behavioral intervention strategy to reduce injection overuse in public health sector in Kompong Cham province and Phnom Penh city. The objectives of this pilot project are: 1) to reduce overuse of injection practices in public health sectors in Kompong Cham province and Phnom Penh City; and 2) to determine whether interactional group discussions are effective and could be scaled up nationally in Cambodia. The project was conducted among prescribers in public referral hospitals in Kompong Cham province and Phnom Penh City. The result from the pre-intervention survey indicates that the percentage of encounter prescribed injection for Kompong Cham strata were 84% for the intervention group and 78% for the control group; and for Phnom Penh strata, 97% for intervention group and 96% for control group. Post-intervention survey was conducted three month after Interactional Group Discussion phase to evaluate the intervention. Fourty-eight prescribers in Kompong Cham province were divided into 27 for intervention group and 21 for control group. The Phnom Penh stratum included 30 prescribers in the intervention group and 30 in the control group. In the intervention group prescribers were invited to participate in one Interactional Group Discussion session. Each session consisted of 6 prescribers and six patients, and the discussion lasted 90-120 minutes. Prescribers and patients exchanged views on injections, with the assistance of a facilitator and a clinical pharmacologist, to clarify their misunderstandings regarding injections. A total of nine IGD was conducted in one month period. Scientific information and take-home messages were provided to the participants. The result of the IGD sessions shows that there was a misconception between prescribers and patients. Typical statements made by prescribers during the discussion are as follow: “When patients decided to come to public hospitals for treatment they always demand injections….If we don’t give them injections, they leave the hospital.” “Patients think that they can demand that the doctor give them injection like in private clinics….Doctors in private clinics give injections because patients have money to pay.” “A lot of patients believe that injection treat illness faster than oral pills….” Whereas statements made by patients are as follow: “To receive injections or not depends on the doctor because doctors know what is the best treatment.” “Doctors want to give injections to people because doctors can get more money from prescribing injection than oral pills.” “Injection is better and more effective than oral pill…. Injection absorbs into the body faster than oral pill.” The result of the Interational Group Discussion shows clear evidence that inappropriate and overuse of injections stem from the misunderstanding between prescribers and patients. Although some patients expressed the beliefs that injection is stronger and faster in treating their illnesses, the decision to receive injection or not is left to the prescribers. It was also interesting to find that some prescribers perceived that injection is more effective than oral medication. The different understanding on the effectiveness of medication shows that there is a cognitive dissonance among prescribers. In the IGD sessions, scientific evidence was provided to the prescribers to change the their behaviors. References Appadurai, D. 1986.The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Birungi, Harriet.1994."Injections as Household Utilities: Injection Practices in Busiga, Eastern Uganda." In Medicines: Meanings & Contexts.Eds. Etkin, N. and Michael L. Tan.Pp. 125-135. University of Amsterdam. Amsterdam. Craig, David. 2002. Familiar Medicine: Everyday Health Knowledge and Practice in Today’sVietnam. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press. Etkin, N. and Michael L. Tan (eds). 1994. Medicines: Meanings & Contexts. Quezon City, Philippines: Health Action InformationNetwork. Greenhalg, T.1987.Drug Prescription and Self-Medication in India.Social Science and Medicine 25:307-318. Hussain A. 2003. Power point presentation at the Safe Injection Global Network Meeting in Nairobi. Hutin, Y.J, A.M Hauri, and G.R Armstrong. 2003.Overuse and Unsafe useof Injections in Healthcare setting Worldwide 200: Literature Review and Regional Estimates. BMJ (in press). Michel, J.M.1985.Why do People Like Medicine? A Perspective from Africa.The Lancet I: 210-211. Ministry of Health. 2002. Rapid Assessment on Injection Practices in Cambodia. Narendranathan, M. and M. P. Mathew.1993.Reusable Needles- a Major Risk Factor for acute Virus B Hepatitis.Tropical Doctor. 23: 64-66. Nichter M. and C. Nordstorm. 1988A Question of “Medicine Answering: Health Commodification and the Social Relationships of Healing in Sri Lanka. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 13: 367-390. Prawitasari Hadiyono JE, Suryawati S, Danu SS, Santoso B. 1996.Interactional group discussion: Results of a controlled trial using a behavioral intervention to reduce the use of injections in public health facilities. Social Science Medicine 42: 1177-83. Reeler, A.V. 2000. Anthropological Perspectives on Injections: a Review. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 78(1): 135-143. Saradamma, Rema Devi, Nick Higginbotham and Mark Nichter. 2000. Social Factors Influencing the Acquisition of Antibiotics Without Prescription in Kerala State, South India. Social Science and Medicine 50: 891-903.Simonsen, L., A. Kane, J. Lloyd, M. Zaffran, & M. Kane. 1999. Unsafe Injections in the Developing World and Transmission of Blood-born Pathogens: A Review. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 9:789-798. Sciortino, R.1992.Care-takers of cure: A Study of Health Center Nurses in Rural Central Java. Ph.D. Dissertation: Free University of Amsterdam. Van der Geest, Sjaak. and A. Rieks. 1998. The Art of Medical Anthropology: Reading. Amsterdam:Het Spinhuis. Van der Geest, S and S.R. Whyte, and A. Hardon. 1996. The Anthropology of Pharmaceuticals: A Biographical Approach.Annual Review of Anthropology 25:153-176 Van der Geest, S and S.R. Whyte. 1988. The Context of Medicines in Developing Countries. Dordrech: Kluwer.
WHO. 2001.
http://www.who.int/gpv-coldchain/Restruc
. . . tion_safety/vital_to_health/problem
Casino
in Cambodia: Gambling, Dreams and Borders in a “Developing” Nation State My research focuses on the “industrialization” of three aspects of gambling in Cambodia: sports betting shops, lotteries, and casinos - the industry of gambling rather than the activity of gambling. I interviewed and conducted ethnographic research with focus on people who work within the industry rather than those who gamble in it. Because I am still conducting research, this summary focuses on the methodology and research I have completed thus far. I began my research for the Center for Khmer Studies in June 2003, and - as of March 2004 - I am in the final stages, spending my days and nights in the resort casinos that straddle the Thai-Cambodian border. Between the months of June and October 2003, I conducted research in Phnom Penh at sports betting shops, lottery stands, and the National Archives. In November 2003, I moved to Poipet to conduct research in the nine border casinos.
Phnom Penh:
June-October 2003 Over the course of four months, I conducted nearly 100 interviews with people involved in different aspects of the lottery business. This includes executives, advertisers and promoters, local lottery ticket sellers, and people who buy the tickets. I also spent much time sitting at lottery stands observing people selling and buying tickets and asking questions about what motivates people to play a particular lottery. During this time I was able to learn the basic organizational structure of local lotteries and how the modern model differs. When I analyze this data in the future, I hope to draw conclusions about why local lotteries appear to be much more successful and popular with Cambodians than modern lotteries. My research on sports betting shops is similar to that of the lotteries. My findings are that they both have similarities in organizational structure. There is, however, one noticeable difference between lotteries and sports betting shops. Betting shops are dominated by younger males who consult the internet for betting wisdom, whereas lotteries are played by both genders who use more “traditional” technologies for divining winning numbers, such as spirit mediums and dreams. When I asked one owner of a Phnom Penh betting shop why few women bet on sports he said, “Women just don’t understand it (sports betting).” It is interesting to speculate how new technologies - such as the internet - may be replacing traditional gambling technologies, and the particular consequences this could have for the construction of gender in contemporary Cambodia. My final research task in Phnom Penh was visiting the National Archives. On previous research trips, I searched the archives for information about gambling during the French era, and was reasonably successful. On this trip, I had hoped to find information on the post-colonial and pre-war era. This endeavor was not successful as too many records, such as newspaper reports, were missing. I have however, gathered personal accounts that offer some insight into how the Sihanouk regime might have used casinos to raise money during the last years of his regime.
Poipet: November
2003-March 2004 The Cambodian staff come from nearly every province in Cambodia, and are largely between the ages of 18 and 25. At the beginning of my research I conducted a general survey of the population with a written questionnaire, hoping to gather basic information on gender, marital status, education, and family background. This tool proved to be a good way of not only getting a general idea of who worked in the casinos, but also a way of letting workers know who I was and what I was doing. After these interviews, I was recognized by nearly every staff member in Poipet’s casino zone. Because of this recognition, I received frequent invitations to social gatherings with casino staff. These meetings, as well as casual conversations, allowed me to participate and observe the daily lives of casino workers - the small fraction that is not consumed by work. Although the Cambodian staff at the casinos tends to be lower paid than the international staff (even for those that work in the same jobs), most Cambodians agree that this is one of the best jobs in the country. Most workers, for example, make about 100 USD per month for a 12 hour work-day, working 26 days a month. In addition, the workers are given room and board. This wage is about twice the wage garment factory workers in Phnom Penh earn, most of whom do not receive room and board. Finally, because many of the workers are young and unmarried they tend to send the bulk of their wages to their family in the provinces, which means the economy of Poipet extends far beyond its commune borders. Tentative Conclusions Some forms of industrial gambling appear to be more successful than others in Cambodia. For example, casinos are successful because, I argue, there is very little informal infrastructure to compete with. However, formal, “modern” lotteries and sports betting shops are in direct competition with informal (but highly organized) networks that do not depend necessarily on honesty and transparency. Instead these local networks give reliable, if not always transparent, payouts. That is to say, gamblers assume local lotteries are “rigged.” However, the local lotteries do pay out small amounts of money on a regular basis, giving the small time gambler the illusion of winning, whereas the modern lotteries tend to only pay out a few big prizes. The casinos in Poipet tend to be successful because in both Thailand and Cambodia “illegal” casinos, although they exist, cannot necessarily offer as “good of game” as the legal casinos in Poipet, and illegal casinos cannot offer the resort atmosphere (including golf courses) that Poipet has. However, the success of the border casinos relies on Thailand’s law against casino gambling, since a majority of the casino patrons are Thai. In the past year, however, Thai politicians and the public have seriously debated legalizing casinos to stem the flow of their currency to the Cambodian border casinos. Only time will tell, if the Poipet casinos will prosper and continue to provide a substantial number of jobs for young Cambodians. By An Rasmey Mahar is one of the 6 villages of Chey commune. It is located 18 Km from Kompong Thom city. Mahar is located along the road to Sambor Prei Kuk. It is not far from Kompong Thom city and not far from the ancient capital Isanapura (Sambor Prei Kuk dated back from the 7th century). Though it has many archaeological remains such as lintels, lions, steles and many stone sculptures dated in the Angkor period style, this site has received little interest from researchers for many decades since the war. From the 1950’s until today, the people and their traditions have been neglected and the importance of this site in the region has been overlooked. In response, I decided to work on the “Culture and Memory of Vatt Mahar village from Sangkum Reastr Niyum to Present” as an ethnographic research project. The word “Mahar” has various definitions, but we can assume that it means spacious and flat, or big and spacious. Mahar village is located in the center of the Chey commune along with a commune office. It has a primary school in the monastery vicinity, with a total of only 5 people who finished high school during these past two decades. The Mahar monastery was built around 100 years ago, and for the first time a praying hall was built as the Salom (wooden structure with no wall surrounding the construction). In the Sangkum Reastr Niyum period, the monastery was transformed into a concrete praying hall by the congregation and the monks. Today, Mahar has 9 monks: one Bhikku and eight Samner. The Mahar villagers also believe in the spirits who control the monastery. There are 10 possessed by the Neak Ta and Arak in the village. The Mahar road was reconstructed in 2001 at the same place as the former road constructed in the Sangkum Reastr Niyum period. Most of the people are poor, therefore around 2/3 of the houses have thatched or palm leaf houses; 96 out of 223 families have their own well. Besides farming, some villagers work (according to their capacity) and find jobs outside of the village. The Mahar village was an important place for training the Kang Chivpol. Later, under the Lon Nol regime the Liberated Khmer took control of the village. Afterwards, in the period of Democratic Kampuchea, this village was chosen as the administrative and economic center in Chey commune. Many people were deported to Mahar village but most of them were Prajajun Chas (old people). The majority of Mahar villagers were deported to Mahar Thmei village. During the People’s Republic of Kampuchea Mahar Monastery was chosen as a military base and mines were put in the northern areas against the guerrillas. In 1997, MAX organization for de-mining went to clear Mahar’s minefield. After the integration of the guerrillas, Mahar village is now safe. Cambodian history is revealed through this research on the memory and culture of Mahar village, as well as its social and political life. Changing Lifestyles Of Female Garment Factory Workers By Bonamy Prak Cambodia was ruined by wars since 1970 with a long period of withdrawal from the international scene. Since the 1998 election, there was a lot of investment in Cambodia. Many textile industries opened factories on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, giving opportunities to many women from many provinces to get a job in the city. The women are usually from provinces which have its border near to Phnom Penh: Kampong Cham, Takeo, Kampot and Kandal. Many villagers left their hometown to Phnom Penh to work in factories, especially women who had no job in their village. Since the opening of factories, there were many changes: population mobility, housing and population structure in the capital city, which means now, there are increasing numbers of young women coming from the provinces to the city. The factories also prefer hiring single young women. The main goal of this study is to investigate the economic situation of female workers and do a comparison between female workers’ life at the factory and their work experience with their previous living conditions in the village. The female garment factory workers either rent a room, return to their home, or stay with a relative. Therefore their lifestyles are not the same. Those that rent a room earn money for themselves but sometimes send money to their parents. Renting a room with other female garment factory workers from the same village, also does not provide them the same level of freedom, etc. Work conditions will be described through interviews with the female workers. From working overtime and working on Sundays, the pressure of working depends on the factory and the section chief. Because the salary is low, all bonus and extra time are important for the workers. Therefore, wage, security, work pressure and status in factories will also be examined. In the factory, relationships between workers and union, the federation and other workers are complex. My findings show that even though the women who work in garment factories can earn more money than when they were in their village, other problems occur such as health problems related to overtime working hours. Despite the workers earning more money than before working in factories, they often have health problems such as lack of sleep, bad nutrition, and tiredness from a stressful environment. From the village to the factory, the women’s lifestyle has changed, such as living outside the family, contacts with other workers, city dwellers, and other people outside of the factories, including men. Even though these female workers leave the village for work, they also try to set up their own social environment like the one at home. Groups tend to be divided according to whether they are relatives or neighbors at home, having less relation with roommates who may come from different places sharing a room. Overall, my study shows that when these women workers arrive in the factories, they bring along with them a little bit of their village; when they return home, they bring a lot of modern life influences back to the village. Rehabilitation and Reintegration of Khmer Refugees Returning to Cambodia By Seng Sary Cambodia went through a long period of war which led people to migrate. Many went to Canada, United States, France, Australia from refugee camps at the Thai borders. Yet there were many who stayed behind. Some stayed while others returned to Cambodia and resettled. This research follows the lives of 20 returnees from the beginning of turmoil in Cambodia to the present day. This study examines the life experience of those returnees, as well as to understand their overall reintegration into Khmer society. Their stories are testament to many of the refugees who returned to Cambodia. This research focuses on the experiences of 20 returnees from Keo Mony village. In analyzing their integration with the Keo Mony villagers, I first analyzed the background of the village. Keo Mony village has been established since 1968 by the committee of Keo Vichey Pagoda. From a dream of the head monk, the location was founded. After providing general information on the village, my research discusses the origin of the village name and the historical events of the village in the late 20th century. In my paper, I examine the living conditions of the returnees under the Lon Nol and Khmer Rouge regimes, two periods of turmoil. As the living conditions deteriorated under the Lon Nol and Pol Pot regimes, people left Cambodia in hope of a better life by crossing the Thai border to reach refugee camps. I look at the living conditions in the refugee camp of these 20 returnees. As one will see, the living conditions depended upon their social statuses, their place of birth, and the places they were in at crucial moments during the war. With all 20 returnees returning to Cambodia, not leaving the country, I examine their resettlement in Keo Mony village, their motivations, difficulties and hopes, as well as their everyday living conditions in terms of housing, food, clothes, work, education and health. Opinions of the returnees and their life and past living conditions in comparison with the local population will also be discussed.
The History of Kreung Villages in
Rattanakiri Province By Long Pov I chose to work on “The History of Kreung Villages” and have selected villages in Boy commune, O’Chum district in Rattanakiri province. My approaches are to:
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Introduce a general overview of Kreung communities Today, Kreung people are living in many provinces: Rattanakiri, Mondulkiri and Stung Treng. Kreung language is a small Mon-Khmer linguistic group, that does not have any written script. Their villages are located in thick forests and on mountains with a circular form. In the center of each village, there is a big meeting house used for meetings, weddings and ceremonies. They believe in natural spirits of water, mounds, trees and mountains. For many generations, Kreung villagers’ in Boy commune have been separated into many groups. Kan Chheung, P-ay, Guy, Santuk, Kreh, Klung and Mas were from one group led by Yak Pouy. Svay, Krola, Kameng and La-ak are another group led by Yak Ka-ol. According to their memory passed down from generation to generation, Kreung people in Boy commune come from two parties and were then separated in many small communities to the present day. The names of streams, mountains and others indicate the history of Kreung people through the memory of their migrations. Most of the village names in Boy commune were named after a chief of the village. When a villager led a group of persons to create a new village, the name of the village was named after him. Other villages were named after the physical environment near the new location such as: Santuk village (Santuk in Kreung language means Lake); Kreh village (Kreh is the name of the Kreh field) and Krola village (Krola means a kind of bamboo in Kreung language). Elders mention that in the past, Yak Boy and Yak Ka-Ol were the chiefs of the village. They were close friends and helped each other fight against the enemy. Some said they were brothers; others said that they both lived in Thma Bok village, near Thma Bok stream in La-Ak commune. These “oral” versions about the history of Kreung villages will be highlighted and discussed in the text. Culture and Memories Of Sre ampil Village From Sangkum Reastr Niyum to Present By Sophany OUCH I chose to work on “Culture and Memories of Sre Ampil villagers from Sangkum Reastr Niyum period to Present” in order to look at the changes this particular village’s organization went through from one political regime to another. Sre Ampil is a village located in Cheteal commune, Kien Svay district, Kandal province. It lies 40 Km southeast of Phnom Penh, and is an ancient site dated from the 7th century. Sre Ampil is not only interesting for archaeology research, but it is also important for anthropological research; in studying the village’s social organization, education, religion, economics, politics, agriculture and craft-making. Immigration in the village after the Pol Pot regime will also be discussed. Wars destroyed many things in Sre Ampil: its infrastructure and the lifestyle of the villagers. The village became a battlefield in different wars from the French Protectorate period until the Pol Pot regime. In each period, the village was used as a military garrison and there were many bombs that fell under the Lon Nol regime. Because of the bombs, people moved away and therefore changed their lifestyles, work experience and habits. My research is divided as follows: First, I studied the general views of the village: its geography, the history of the village’s name and its past. Second, I focused on the memories of the people since the French Protectorate until 1992. Based on the villagers’ speeches, I will analyze the activities in the wars of Cambodia to understand how the chief managed Sre Ampil in each period. Third, I analyzed the villagers’ life style and other commercial activities. Lastly, I will emphasize the village’s social organization: religion, education, and other activities. Through the methodology of participant observation and interviews, I will describe the life style of Sre Ampil villagers throughout these last decades. Although many villagers do not themselves realize how important a site Sre Ampil was under different political regimes, interviews reveal that in each period, Sre Ampil was in fact a very important center. First used as a French administration office, it was a village under the Sangkum Reastr Niyum; a battlefield ground between the Lon Nol and Khmer Rouge soldiers; a head office of Kien Svay district in the period of Democratic Kampuchea, and then returned back to everyday village life under Republic Kampuchea.
The village is divided
into two parts: one part is covered by forest, the other by fields for
cultivation. In the past, Sre Ampil villagers did not have many contacts
with other villages because of its remote location. Many people came
from many different villages after the war time. Today, Sre Ampil is a
village with people coming from many different provinces. As Sre Ampil
villagers primarily work in agriculture, the newcomers practice
commerce. Today, Sre Ampil continues to have many newcomers and this has
opened up the villagers’ attitude with strangers. By Tim Winter Tourism and cultural heritage management are too often seen as separate worlds, and certainly separate disciplines of scholarly enquiry. This separation trivialises tourism, it reduces it to questions of hotel management, what facilities are offered to tourists, air con transport, golf courses etc. I want to illustrate today why this separation dangerously ignores a number of important issues arising from the arrival of large scale international tourism in Cambodia today. I will suggest that we need to bring these two areas back together and better understand the fundamental interconnections between tourism, heritage, culture, and formations of collective identities within Cambodia today. Tourism is one of the most important ways in which the history, culture and identity of this country are communicated with the outside world. It is not only the most important medium through which the world will learn about this country, it also plays a very significant role in shaping how Cambodia understands its history, its cultural past, present and future and how the country values and constructs its own sense of national identity. My aim today is to illustrate that there is an urgent need to develop a scholarly consciousness towards these issues, and develop a level of critical analysis which accounts for the social, political, economic and historical factors shaping processes of tourism and cultural heritage. My presentation is divided into two halves. The first half briefly explores a number of questions which I feel require urgent attention. The second half offers five areas of enquiry required to help answer these questions. Together the two sections are far from exhaustive, and raise many more questions than they answer. Important questions, which I hope, will become a new theme for Khmer Studies in the future. I am also principally focusing on ideas of tourism and heritage in relation to Angkor, for reasons which I guess I don’t need to explain to anyone in this room. Some Questions…
Angkor
is primarily understood as a landscape of cultural heritage, what are
the implications of this? The vast majority of international tourists to Cambodia only visit Siem Reap. From my research I have found that many tourists make little connection between Angkor and Cambodia. They come to see Angkor because it is a World Heritage Site rather than because it is Cambodia’s heritage. How does this shape what histories and knowledge of Khmer civilisation are communicated? Does tourism threaten to detach Angkor from its local and national context? Looking at these images, what histories are being presented here? What are the political and economic processes shaping the presentation of Angkor as a tourist space? Angkor lies at the centre of various networks of organisations. These include governmental, commercial, developmental NGO’s, as well as numerous academic institutions. How do these various institutional networks shape the ways in which Angkor is presented as a tourist site? To give an example, clearly Angkor is dominated by the management framework of the ICC. What, therefore, is the impact of an overwhelming concern for architectural conservation on how Angkor is valued and managed as a landscape of cultural tourism? However, this needs to be complemented with an understanding of tourism as a global industry, which has economic and political processes far beyond Cambodia shaping patterns of tourism within this country. How do these processes define the ways in which Angkor is presented to tourists? The local voice - How does the arrival of international tourism reshape the lives of people living in the site? What do we know about how Angkor is valued and understood by domestic tourists travelling from across Cambodia? Is the idea of constructing Angkor as a landscape of cultural heritage for international tourists and the impact of such tourism on people living in Angkor sufficiently understood? Are the ways in which Angkor is used and valued by local residents and Cambodian tourists from across the country threatened by the push to present Angkor for an international tourist market? In what ways does tourism shape and redefine the ways in which Cambodians understand their own culture, history and identity? Tourism is a cultural industry. It moulds what cultural forms are valued and what are not, and it actively creates new cultural forms. What is the affect of this process on Cambodia today? How do these new forms of cultural production impact upon how Cambodians will understand their own cultural history, their own ethnic identities, and their own national identity? To build some answers we need to… Develop strong understandings of the term ‘heritage’ and relationships between heritage, social memory and history. ‘Heritage’ is a far from simple word, and one that needs critical attention. What is the nature of the heritage industry? Essentially, it is a western concept that has emerged within industrial and post-industrial societies concerned with the loss of ‘traditional cultural’ forms. It therefore sets up particular definitions and values of culture and history as heritage. How does this shape how Angkor is valued and understood. Good example here is the overwhelming priority placed on architectural heritage, but we need to understand what the relationship is between buildings and social memory, and what is being remembered and what is being forgotten. It is crucial to understand relationship between heritage and historiography; how formations of an Angkorean and Cambodian cultural heritage being offered today and transmitted through tourism are shaped by complex historical processes. We need to better understand how ideas of Angkor as cultural heritage have historically emerged through processes of colonialism and post-colonial independence, and how such processes shape what knowledge of Angkor are valued and what are not. For example, regal culture/vernacular culture, or how an emphasis on temple architecture within an Angkor ‘park’ reproduces simplistic ideas of post-Angkorean decline. ‘World heritage’ - Within such a framework, the idea of Angkor as the ‘universal heritage of mankind’ masks many of the complexities and tensions between the various ways in which the site is valued and understood. In addition to developing a critical analysis of these differences there also needs to be a better understanding of what frameworks of ‘cultural heritage’ are being imposed on Cambodia from international organisations, and what value systems are they bringing with them? Better understanding of what living heritage means. What is the relationship between material and non-material culture? Too often there seems to be simplistic associations of architectural landscapes such as Angkor as a cultural heritage of the past and intangible cultural forms such as music and dance as living heritage. My research on Khmer New Year at Angkor has revealed how this festival is vital for a vision of a national and cultural revival after decades of trauma and struggle. But these understandings of Angkor as a landscape of living heritage are in danger of being forgotten because they do not fit within a framework of cultural heritage dominated by architecture and conservation. Understand the interaction between ideas of ‘heritage’ and ‘culture’ and processes of tourism. The phrase cultural tourism is another popular term that needs careful attention. There is often a simplistic association of cultural tourism with ideas of ideas of authentic or traditional culture. We need to create a more solid understanding of what is meant by these words ‘traditional’ and ‘authentic’ in the context of tourism. There needs to be an understanding of how tourism powerfully shapes cultural forms as traditional or authentic. The APSARA dance for example, through tourism the APSARA dance is now uncritically associated with the carvings of Angkor, and has become the definitive Angkorean dance. I would suggest the historical reality is not so simple. Rebuilding or resurrecting traditional cultural forms such as the Apsara dance has clearly been a vital process within Cambodia and remains so today. But we need to think critically about why only those cultural forms are valued within tourism. On what basis is one form more authentic or traditional Khmer than another? In what ways does the cultural tourism freeze Cambodian culture, and render it static and of the past? We therefore need to understand how tourism forges and directly moulds ideas of Cambodian culture and Angkorean culture. To explain this, a system of cultural ‘value’ is created based on the sale/exchange of culture within a tourism market. As a result, those cultural forms which have a tourism market value become dominant and those that have no exchange value are neglected and in danger of being lost. Tourism therefore plays a crucial role in defining what is valued as Angkorean and Cambodian ‘cultural heritage’ and what is not. Tourism is a symbolic industry, where places and cultures are constantly being produced and consumed in symbolic ways. We need to construct understandings of Angkor as a symbolic space, how it is sold and packaged in symbolic ways. Obvious examples here are the examples of Thai advert, Mekong world heritage seen earlier. But let me give you another example. As we know Angkor is surrounded by a mysticism of a lost civilisation rediscovered in 19th Century by French explorers. Today through tourism there is a nostalgia for an imagined colonial Indochina channelled through Angkor. Angkor has become a powerful symbol of a once glorious period of European travel and adventure. Most obviously we can see this in the partial ruins of Preah Khan and Ta Prohm, but we can also see it within the guide books, tourist brochures and in the design and theming of many new hotels in Siem Reap. This is not a memory of a Cambodian history but a memory of a 19th century European colonial culture. Angkor tourism is about the production and consumption of nostalgia, where history is romanticised, aestheticised and stripped of all its contradictions and conflicts. In place of a Cambodian heritage, Japanese, American, French and other tourists visiting Angkor today are consuming a partial, even fictitious, memory of a 19th Century French Indochina. Nostalgia represents a construction of history that can be exchanged and sold through the cultural industry of international tourism. Crucially however, important understandings and knowledges of Cambodian history are being dissolved within a process that erases and denies the complexities, political tensions, and indigenous perspectives of that period. This needs to be better understood. In an age of globalisation, the world is a stage full of performances by countries all competing against each other trying to attract tourists. How is Cambodia, its people, its history, its landscapes, its cities and its nature presented on the global stage? How do national identities become simplified and reduced through tourism, and what is the role of Angkor within this? Indeed, what performance is Cambodia putting on with the average length of stay in the country being just 2.1 days? In asking these questions, it is not my concern to examine how Cambodia can market itself better. Rather attention needs to be given to how this national performance within a tourism industry comes to shape what historical knowledges and cultural forms are valued both beyond and within the country, an issue I will return to shortly. Finally, we need to better understand how Angkor is presented and consumed by domestic tourists? What knowledges and values are being communicated to Cambodian tourists visiting Angkor today? Perhaps more importantly, I would suggest we need to better appreciate how and why Cambodia’s domestic tourism industry is being ignored in this respect? Understand the interaction between the cultural, political and economic dynamics of tourism. I’ve talked a lot about formations of culture, heritage, and ideas of cultural tourism. Too often such issues are seen to exist beyond the realities of their social environment. Ignoring the social, political and economic realities within which cultural forms emerge and exist is an analytical mistake. Firstly, on the national level we need to appreciate the economic, social and political reasons why tourism in Cambodia so centred around Siem Reap and Angkor. Efforts to develop a tourism industry beyond Siem Reap are vital to the reintegration of Angkor back into its national social, historical and cultural contexts. Crucially, there also needs to be an appreciation of how Angkor is being rapidly incorporated within various economic processes far beyond Cambodia’s geographical boundaries. Today global tourism operates as a highly complex network of tour operators, hotel companies and airlines. Head offices in Paris, Tokyo, New York or Bangkok have enormous power in shaping the nature of tourism within Cambodia, both in terms of the ways in which Angkor and Cambodia are symbolically presented, and the itineraries for tourists. An appreciation of how Cambodia is incorporated within a highly integrated regional tourism industry is vital to an analysis of the future of Angkor and Cambodia. e.g. Mekong world heritage perhaps…give airline routes as example. I would suggest tourism represents a new looting of Angkor. Why is this important? Developing the analytical tools for understanding the international political and economic web which surrounds the area of cultural production will enable Cambodians to take control of their own culture in the future, rather than having it constantly imposed from outside the country. Construct understandings of Angkor in terms of ‘space’, operating at multiple levels of scale. I want to suggest that there is a significant benefit in examining Angkor through the concept of space. To interpret the issues I have raised so far it is not sufficient to examine Angkor just in terms of its physical space, but in terms of multiple social spaces. In order to safeguard Angkor we need to move beyond the idea of just protecting the landscape of Angkor itself. To interpret the complex development of Angkor, we need to appreciate the various local, national, regional and global processes, and most importantly understand how they interconnect. To give some examples, questions which need addressing… In what ways are international tourism corporations and the flow of international capital transforming the landscapes of both Siem Reap and Angkor. In what ways does the fact that Angkor lies within a highly interconnected Southeast Asian tourism industry affect the formation of a Cambodian national identity? What will be the future impact of a rapidly developing China? Are local values of Angkor adequately understood within a framework of global heritage? Who is Angkor being conserved for? A local, national or global audience? All of these questions, and many others, require us to examine Angkor at various spatial levels and understand how they interact. Doing so will reveal the various economic, social and political factors which make Angkor a highly contested landscape. It will also illustrate the ways in which villages or local communities within the Angkor park are closely connected to economic and political processes thousands of kilometres away. Finally, understand how tourism itself creates new cultural forms and therefore shapes the formation of national, ethnic and cultural identities for Cambodians today. Undoubtedly, a strong sense of history and culture remain the vital building blocks of national, ethnic and cultural identities for Cambodians today. We therefore need to appreciate how frameworks of cultural heritage and processes of global tourism redefine how Cambodia understands and values itself. There are countless examples from around the world which illustrate how the arrival of international tourism has redefined the cultural and social values of the host environment. Tourism can be a very positive force, but at its heart lie fundamental contradictions. As it reinvigorates and re-creates its host environment it simultaneously simplifies and erases it. Understanding these contradictions is vital to ensuring Angkor and Cambodia are both safeguarded and successfully developed over the long term future. Conclusion: a new agenda The issues I have raised here are of vital importance because Cambodia is still very much in the process of understanding the complexities of its historical past, the fragility of its present situation and its future role within the region of Southeast Asia and the world as a whole. Addressing the issues I have outlined today will also help ensure Angkor remains Cambodia’s heritage within the highly challenging environment of global tourism. My aim today has been to suggest some new ways of understanding the relationships between tourism, culture, cultural heritage and identity. I have suggested some new theoretical and analytical approaches, which I believe need to become a set of new trends for Khmer studies. Impact of Tourism in Beng Mealea and its Surroundings By Phlong Pisith 1. Overview of tourism in Cambodia: Since the Cambodian political changes in 1993, TOURISM became an important income sector for the government and local people. Therefore, the Cambodian government promotes tourist opportunities for outsiders, by providing facilities to travelers, such as ON ARRIVAL VISA at every border check point, the OPEN-SKY Policy for Siem Reap international Airport and more opportunities for investment on tourism development such as hotels, restaurants, travel agencies, etc. With these policies, we find that, there have been more foreigners coming to Cambodia; to work, to do business, research, and especially for tourism. Since then, many tourist sites, both historical and natural, have been continuously opened. Angkor has become the most popular tourist attraction, while it also faces a lot of dangers, due to the large crowds of tourists, as well as looting. To deal with these issues, the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor Region (APSARA) was created by the Constitutional Council of Cambodia in 1995 to help protect and preserve all cultural heritage sites in the Angkor Region, with the cooperation of the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts and international research institutes. Under this new management system, there have been more discoveries of archaeological remains, which are the resources of cultural heritage, and are attractions for visitors. Within these last few years, many historical and natural sites inside and outside the Angkor Region have been being continuously opened to the visitors, with the private investment and government control including: Kulen Mountain (Water falls), Sambor Prei Kuk (Kampong Thom Province), and Kirirom Park (Kampong Speu Province). Recently, a few more historical sites have opened; Koh Ker (dated from the 10th century), Prah Khan Kampong Svay (second half of 12th century), and Beng Mealea (mid 12th century) are being opened to the public. These sites have not yet been researched in depth. 2. Purpose of the presentation: I conducted nine months of research to gather data for my BA dissertation in Archaeology at Beng Mealea Temple, focused on dating the site. Now I am becoming more interested with the changes in the area and the local communities as it is developed into a tourist site. This brings me to my current topic, the BENG MEALEA TEMPLE, TOURISM AND THE LOCAL COMMUNITY, which is an effort to draw some attention to the impacts of tourism on the cultural heritage and the lives of the people. Before I move on to this topic, I would like to briefly provide some information about the research site. 3. General information about the temple: Name of place: Beng Mealea (the name of the village, as well as the name of the temple) Area: The whole compound of Beng Mealea temple is about 1000m long and 800m wide, which is about 2/3 the size of the Angkor Wat compound. Location: Beng Mealea temple is located in Beng Mealea Village, Beng Mealea Commune, Svay Leu District, Siem Reap Province. It is about 75 Km East of Siem Reap Town, on the junction point of the ancient road to Koh Ker Temple and Prah Khan Kampong Svay Temple. It takes about 2h30mn to travel from Siem Reap to Beng Mealea Temple. We can reach there by two possible routes: - by national road number 6, traveling in the direction of Phnom Penh. About 35Km from Siem Reap town, we will reach a district named Dam Dek, then we turn North and travel for about another 35Km. b- in the direction to Phnom Kulen, across the Angkor region. As we are about to reach the turning point to Kulen Mountain, we turn right and travel along a path for about 40Km more. Period/Dating of temple: Based on the research in 1952 by Jean Boisselier, and my present research at the site, Beng Mealea temple is dated to be in the late Angkor Wat Style, which dates about the middle of the 12th century. Previously, some researchers had assumed that Beng Mealea was the model for Angkor Wat, and that it dated it back before Angkor Wat. But recent research findings show that it was built after Angkor Wat. The approximate dating is based on a comparison study of arts, decoration, and construction techniques, as there has been no inscription found at the site that can yet show the exact dates of the temple. Condition: Beng Mealea temple is in a state of ruin, as it faces many dangers, especially from the trees. This state of collapse has been seen at least since the 19th Century, and there were some drawings about the temple by some explorers, such as Louis Delaport in 1880, and Albert Tissandier in 1896. After the Khmer Rouge regime, the whole compound of temple was mined by soldiers as a protected zone, and the ruin state can still be seen today. Surrounding Environment: Beng Mealea temple is at the far eastern end of the Kulen Mountain, surrounded by forest and inhabited by about 300 households. The region is rich with cultural heritage, and ancient infrastructures such as a basin (about 1500m by 750m), a quarry (a place to get stones to build monument), kilns, temples such as Prasat Chrei, Prasat Kong Phluk, Prasat Don Chan, a rest house (Dhammasala), ancient roads and bridges that link to Koh Ker, to Prah Vihear, to Prah Khan Kampong Svay, moat, etc. The majority of the local people are farmers, who grow rice, vegetables, raise animals (poultry), and hunt and gather in certain seasons in accordance with ancient traditions. The central gathering place of people in the village is at a Buddhist monastery inside the compound of Beng Mealea temple. History of Site: After years of war, since 1975, many remote places were not accessible because of poor security and mines. By 1995, there was a government campaign to integrate Khmer Rouge soldiers into the government, so Cambodia became more politically secure and tourist places began to re-open to visitors. Beng Mealea was opened in 2000 to the public, but there were still some mines in the area. In late year 2002, the APSARA authority was authorized to preserve the site, with cooperation of the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts, as the authority found that there are more tourists going to the temple. By March 2003, the Cambodian Mine Action Center (CMAC) began to clear mines from the temple's compound, and now the site is under process of investment by a private company to develop the site into a tourist site similar to Angkor Wat. 4. Tourism Development: The Royal Government's strategy is to position Cambodia as a leading 'Culture and Nature Tourism Destination,' a tourism development policy that is formulated to provide economic and social development, protect the natural environment and preserve and present Cambodia's distinctive culture and heritage. Furthermore, it is a way to strengthen the national identity of Cambodia. By this means, Beng Mealea has been opened as tourist destination with private investment, under APSARA and local authority control. Under this agreement, APSARA is responsible for site conservation, while the private company has the right to develop the site for tourism by contracting out certain services such as providing food and shelter. Hence, there is a government policy to preserve the cultural heritage at the site. But problems remain, and the most affected group is the villagers. To draw your attention on the development of the tourism industry, I will highlight some of the advantages and disadvantages to the various stakeholders of Beng Mealea temple: Advantages
- The road from Siem Reap to the temple has been improved; Disadvantages
- The activities of road improvement are removing some parts
of the ancient road and bridge. To my concern, the above consequences show that villagers lose more than they benefit. The cost of living has increased, their land exploited by outside investors, and their way of life disrupted and changed since the temple opened to visitors. In this regard, I would like to draw the attention of researchers, investors, and relevant government bodies to the issue of protecting the interests of local people, and to give more benefits to them as they are the owners, preservers, and the presenters of such a cultural heritage site. 5. Conclusion Finally, I will come to the conclusion that though tourism is about to bring changes and development, there should be more attention paid to the preservation of historical heritage (tangible and intangible assets), national identity, and authenticity for future use. By drawing interest to this rapidly evolving situation, I hope that there will be more interest in uncovering the archaeology and anthropology resources around the Beng Mealea site, especially within the context of Cultural Resource Management. Excavations at Sambor Prei Kuk By Heng Piphal Sambor Prei Kuk was known for a hundred years before, as a place where 147 brick towers were estimated to be erected. It was seen as a very important historical and archaeological site in Cambodia. Sambor Prei Kuk is also named one of the Khmer Art styles dated from the beginning of the seventh century due to its artistic significance. The tower came into existence at the beginning of seventh century A.D in the reign of King Isanavarman I, bearing its glorious name ISANAPURA mentioned in inscriptions and Chinese records. The complex is located at the west side of the Sen River, about 25 km from the present town of Kampong Thom Province. A French scholar, Adhémard Leclère presented this complex to the French Protectorate at the end of nineteenth century and was repeated by Étienne Aymonier (the French Representative of Cambodia) in his book “Le Cambodge”.1 The description were done successively by Mr. Lunet De Lajonquière and Henri Parmentier, who published two volumes of the book L’Art Khmer Primitif in which they give detailed description of each tower and their graphical records. The towers were divided into three large groups, [N (northern group); C (central group) and S (southern group)] and three smaller groups, [Z, Robang Romeas and Srei Krup Leak]. Research conducted by EFEO (École Française d’Extrême-Orient) continued until the late 1960s and was later disrupted by Cambodia’s civil war. Since 1997, the situation in Cambodia improved, which attracted the Japanese Team of WASEDA University to renovate and conduct more research on this abandoned site. With this team, I had the opportunity to conduct field work in December 2001 and helped record a newly-discovered inscription. From December 2002 to January 2003, additional excavation work was conducted at the northwest corner of N1. During this time, I sought to encounter new evidence of the complex’s early occupation. Research shows that many towers at this site were modified during the 10th to 11th century. This supports B.P. Groslier’s hypothesis that the occupation of this site ended approximately in the 13th century. [1] LECLERE, Adhémard. Fouilles de Kampong Soay, 1894, p.137 and AYMONIER, Etienne, Le Cambodge, vol. 1, Paris, 1900, p.372 Ancient Kiln Site at Choeung Ek Killing Fields By Phon Kaseka In Cambodia, in-depth research on ancient kiln sites and Khmer ceramics have only relatively recently started. The Nara National Cultural Properties Research Institute has been working since 1996 with the APSARA Authority and other international agencies, notably the Sophia International Angkor Mission, to research ancient kiln sites in the Angkor area of Siem Reap province.
A New
Discovery of an Ancient Kiln Site
Literature
View
Location
Prehistoric
Period
Pre Angkorian
Period
Lintel
Column
Moonstone
Inscription
Kiln Site
Kiln site at
Cheung Ek site There are potsherds spread on kilns and nearby pieces of kiln wall have also been found. The two different colors on the wall show as yellowish brown on the outer wall and of dark reddish brown on the inner wall. Firing heat on the inner wall produced the color of dark reddish brown on the inner wall. Further evidence is greenish glaze from ash adhered on pieces of the brick wall.
Khmer Ceramic
Production and Techniques
Use of Khmer
Ceramics
Potsherds
from Cheung Ek Kiln Site
Conclusion
Recommendations To preserve and make these archaeological findings available to visitors (who may be close to the Chœung Ek Killing Fields Site Museum), I would also suggest setting up a small site museum, to collect, label, and safeguard these important remnants before they are dispersed and disappear forever. Newly Banteay Kou or Circular Earthwork sites in Snoul District By Thuy Chanthourn, RUFA The Banteay Kou or circular earthwork sites are located from east to west in Indochina over the red soil areas. Louis Malleret noted seventeen Banteay Kou; twelve of which are in Vietnam and five in Cambodia. Sites are spread over the red soil area starting from Labansiek in Ratanakiri province in Cambodia, down to Loc Nihn in Vietnam, crossing the Memot district. Today, Banteay Kou or circular earthwork sites are located in rubber plantations. The newly discovered Banteay Kou are also located in rubber plantations. None of these sites are located in the lower regions, or in the black or brown soil areas. Most of the sites are situated on the top of a plateau or, on the summit of a hill. For instance, the sites named Lumpeng-1 and Lumpeng-2 are all situated on the top of mountains. Usually, Banteay Kou are situated from about 65 to 180 meters above sea level. The main characteristics of Banteay Kou are that they are close to each other -usually about two to three kilometers apart, and are all located near a water source. Early in March 2003, five more new Banteay Kou sites have been discovered in different areas by the Banteay Kou Memotian Culture project under the support of the Ford Motor Company in Phnom Penh (Report on Banteay Kou: Memotian Culture, Thuy Chanthourn, 2003). Until now, an additional 32 more new Banteay Kou sites have been noted in Cambodia and another 6 found in Vietnam. In total, there are 50 Banteay Kou sites documented that are located in the region east of the Mekong River in Cambodia and Vietnam.
Up to date, there have
only been small excavations units conducted, with samples taken from six
sites. In conclusion, I would strongly recommend that the Banteay Kou
Memotian Project continue this pilot project in order to deepen an
understanding of these important historical sites.
AN,
Rasmey, CKS / Toyota Program - Junior Fellow, Anthropologist Australia
CREMIN,
Aedeem, University of Sydney, Fellow, Canada CHHEM, Rethy, University of Western Ontario, Professor, bengmealea@yahoo.com France
ANTELME, Michel Rethy, Institut National des Langues et Civilisations
Orientales (INALCO), Khmer Section Director,
mantelme@wanadoo.fr Germany BATTACHARYA, Kamaleswar, University of Bonn, Professor of Sanskrit, kameleswar@hotmail.com Japan
KOIDE,
Yoko, JSA,
r99yokok@aol.com Netherlands STOCKHOFF, Wim, International Institute for Asian Studies, Director, iias@let.leidenuniv.nl New Zealand TAYLES, Nancy, University of Otago, Senior Lecturer Singapore
HUEI,
Lyn, Harvard University, Student Thailand
KLEIN,
Otome, Retired Anthropology Lecturer,
mvick@chmai.loxinto.co.th U.K.
HARRISON, Rachel, SOAS, University of London, Lecturer, Thai Department,
rh6@soas.ac.uk USA
CHALOEMTIARANA, Thak, Cornell University, Southeast Asia Department
Director, tc17@cornell.edu
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