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Wat Damnak, Siem Reap - Cambodia |
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After thirty years of civil strife and decades of isolation, Cambodia is struggling to re-capture its cultural and artistic heritage while the rest of the world has had little awareness of this rich and fast disappearing heritage. This situation is particularly critical with regard to the traditional textile craft. Cambodians are not always aware of the value and fragility of their cultural heritage, especially as the trends of commercialization now become a looming threat to this heritage. Moreover, with Siem Reap – Angkor becoming a focus for numerous tourists from all over the world because of its temples, we think it is equally important to raise awareness among visitors to link this ancient heritage with the culture of the living community of Cambodia today. In Cambodia and abroad, textile tradition is not always recognized as a ‘noble’ art compared to the more well-known ancient Cambodian monuments or performing arts. With this exhibition/seminar project, we hope however to demonstrate that Cambodian ‘Hol’ tradition encompasses an equally deep sense of esthetics and spiritual symbolism that is integral to Cambodian cultural identity.
Exhibition
Seminar Main Themes H.E. Son Soubert, Prof. Michael Vickery and H.E. Pich Tum Kravel opened the seminar presenting details about the historical background and main artistic and cultural characteristics of the Khmer and the Cham. Speaking not only of the differences between the Cham and the Khmer, they also highlighted how they influenced each other on a cultural and artistic level. In the second session, Mr. Khun Samen, Mr. Hab Touch and Ms. Gill Green discussed textiles in the Angkor period. They presented the evolution of Angkor statue motifs, costumes and textiles as decorative items in the Angkor period. In the third session, Mr. In Siyonda, Ms. Gill Green and Ms. Him Nala gave insights on what different kinds of Cambodian textiles can be found in various districts of Cambodia. In this session, the meaning of antique Buddhist Pidan and the Naga motifs in old Cambodian textiles were also raised. To help visualize and appreciate the art of Cambodian textiles, the first day concluded with a traditional Khmer dance performance in which all of the dancers wore traditional textile costumes. Dances included ‘Robam Choun Por’ (welcome dance), Robam Ongle (farmer dance), Robam Konsaen Snae (popular dance of Cham people), ‘Robam Yike’ (popular dance) and Robam Apsara (Khmer classical court dance). The second day of the seminar, Mr. Kikuo Morimoto and Ms. Prak Bonamy presented their work on how Cambodian textile culture is related to its natural environment; i.e. what techniques weaving women use and what role housewives have in silk weaving. The seminar concluded with a workshop on natural dyeing and silk weaving, as well as a video presenting interviews with two master weavers.
Friday, December 12, 2003
8:30 Opening of the Seminar
9:10 – 9:40 Session 2
“Reciprocal Relations of Khmer and Cham in
History”
11:00 – 11:20
Session 4 “Textile
Decor at
Angkor”
13:30 – 13:50
Session 5 “Khmer and Cham
Ikat ("Hol")
13:50 – 14:10
Session 6 “Different Kinds
of Cambodian Textile and its Producing Districts”
14:10 – 14:30 Session 7
“Antique Buddhist Pidan of
Cambodia - Themes and Functions”
14:30 – 15:00 Session
8
“The Motif of Naga in Old Cambodian Ikat Textile and
its Original Meaning” 15:00 – 15:30 Questions and discussion
15:50 – 16:50 Traditional Khmer Dance Performance by Ms. Boran dance
group (Wat Bo, Siem Reap)
‘Robam Choun por’ - Welcome dance (Khmer classical
court dance) Saturday, December 13, 2003
8:40 Part 4 ‘Hol’, A Cambodian Villager’s Art within the Natural Environment, Processes and Techniques
9:00 – 9:15
Session 10 “The Role of
Housewives Living in Weaving Villages” 9:15 – 9:35 Questions and discussion
9:35 – 10:15
Natural Dying and Weaving Process Workshop (in
front of the hall)
10:35 – 11:05
Interview with Master Weavers Part 1
11:05 – 11:30
Interview with Master Weavers Part 2 11:30 – 11:50 Questions and discussion 11:50 – 12:00 Closing seminar by Mr. Kikuo Morimoto, IKTT and Philippe Peycam, CKS
Part 1:
I. What was Champa? Champa no longer exists as a separate entity. There was an officially recognized Champa (recognized by China, Vietnam and Cambodia) under that name along parts of the coast of what is now central and southern Vietnam from at least the 7th century until the early 19th century. That total area was never politically unified. There were always at least two Champas, sometimes three, or even four, located along the mouths of large rivers flowing from the mountains eastward to the Pacific Ocean. When Champa history begins Vietnam did not exist politically, and the area which would become Vietnam after the 10th century was a province of China. From North to South the most important centers of Champa recognized from their architectural remains were (illustrations of architecture from each site): Mi So’n, with inscriptions from the 5th century and architecture from the 7th or 8th; Qui Nho’n, perhaps from the 11th century, with architecture from the 12th-14th centuries; Nha Trang, with its temple of Po Nagar containing structures and inscriptions from perhaps the 7th or 8th centuries; Phan Rang, with three important temples dating from the 8th to 16th centuries and several inscriptions; and Phan Thiet, with a temple of peculiar style which I shall discuss further in a moment. These dates show simultaneous development in at least three different places. II. A Summary of the history of Champa The standard history of Champa begins with Chinese records of a country called Lin Yi just north of the Vietnamese city of Hué, and which the Chinese complained was constantly attacking northward against the Chinese province which is now northern Vietnam. The Chinese kept writing about Lin Yi until 758, and did not start using the name ‘Champa’ until 877, but Cambodian and Champa inscriptions used the name ‘Champa’ from the 7th century, and probably Lin Yi was separate from Champa and farther north. The language of the Cham people belongs to the group of languages called ‘Austronesian’ like Javanese and Malay. The Cham probably came by sea to the coast of Vietnam around 2500 years ago from Borneo/Kalimantan. Before they arrived the populations of what is now Vietnam spoke Mon-Khmer languages. During several hundred years the Cham spread along the coast and into the interior. After Vietnam separated from China in the 10th century direct relations developed between new Vietnam and Champa. Sometimes the relations were peaceful, but often there was warfare, which often began with attacks by Champa northward against Vietnam. Slowly, during several centuries, the wars resulted in expansion of Vietnam to the South. The most serious permanent defeat for the Cham was the Vietnamese capture of Qui Nho’n in 1471. A small kingdom of Champa, however, continued to exist in the South until the early 19th century. III. Relations between Cambodia and Champa A. Political relations The Chinese wrote about contacts between Lin Yi and Funan, but since the history of Lin Yi is very vague, and I shall ignore that now. The first records real records are from the 7th century, a Cambodian inscription which tells of an official going on to Champa, and a Champa inscription in Mi So’n which says a Cham prince went to Cambodia and married a daughter of King ç§?navarman. Thus relations then were friendly. Later records from both sides show that relations became increasingly unfriendly. Champa inscriptions record a successful invasion of Cambodia in the early 9th century, and on the Cambodian side an inscription says that at about the same time a son of King Jayavarman II fought successfully against the Cham. In the middle of the 10th century there are again records of war on both sides. One hundred years later, near the end of the 11th century, inscriptions in Mi So’n record more victories over Cambodia. The balance of power changed during the reigns of the Cambodian kings Sèryavarman II (1113?-1145?) and Jayavarman VII (1181-1220?). Both of them successfully conquered, Vijaya (Qui Nho’n) and Paö¶uraºga (Phan Rang), and under Jayavarman Champa was ruled by Cambodia for over 20 years. After Jayavarman VII Champa was preoccupied with relations with Vietnam, and there are no more records of contacts with Cambodia until one Champa inscription about war in the 15th century. B. Cultural relations Several Cambodian inscriptions in the 7th century include Cham official and religious titles, proving close relations between the two peoples, and possibly a minority Cham population in southeastern Cambodia. The ‘Cham’ tower of Phan Thiet, one of the oldest monuments in Champa, shows a mixture of Cham and Khmer architectural styles which makes it difficult to say whether it is really Cham or Khmer. The earliest Cambodian temples in the Kulen style, perhaps 9th century, show influences from Cham architecture (illustrations). The monuments in Qui Nho’n show influences from Khmer architecture during the time when Cambodia conquered Champa in the 12th century. Jayavarman VII spent many years in Champa, and his new Mahayana Buddhism may have been influenced by Cham Buddhism.
The Origin Of Yike
Theatrical Art Show Yike is a traditional play encompassing singing and dancing, which has gained massive popularity in Cambodia. Currently, this form of art is widely seen almost everywhere throughout the country, for example: Siem Reap - Kompong Cham - Pursat - Kompong Chhnang - Svay Rieng - Takeo - Kompot provinces etc. To Cambodian people, as soon as the word 'Yike' is heard, they immediately recall this well-known singing and dancing drama. To put it directly, hearing that word reminds them at once of a kind of drum made of drilled wood or palm tree chopped into round, short pieces with a diameter wider than its thickness. Only one end (the face) is covered with a well-cut piece of ox skin, which could be thick or thin according to the size of the "Yike drum". In general, Cambodian people use two similar words that refer to the names of two different forms of drama: Yike and Yuke. The word "Yike" is currently used by Cambodians to refer to the current form of "Yike" drama while the word "Yuke" is used by Cambodian minorities living in the Southern part of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (Khmer Kraom or lower Khmer) to refer to a kind of drama called Lakhon Bassak that currently exists in Cambodia. During the reign of Isandravarman I, son of Citrasena, the king of Champa named "Jagadhadharma" came to Cambodia and married his daughter named "Saravani". During his reign, Jayavarman II liberated Khmers from Java and came to announce the country's independence at Mahidravarpata known as "Kulen Mountain" in 802 A.D, denouncing Sailindras as the ruler of Cambodia. The events of 1177 when Champa defeated Angkor, and other events during the reign of Jayavarman VII, and so on and so forth, could all be used as proof. Based on pictorial evidence and "ties of friendship" over centuries, we believe that many exchanges were made between the two countries involving various sectors, including cultures, of which Yike was a small part. Moreover, relationships in the form of family links through marriages between the Chams and Khmers were testimony to the bringing together or mixing of the traditions, customs and cultures of the two nations in which Yike had a small part. Furthermore, we believe that these relationships, although formed in "war" times, still managed to develop because normally, in war, both armed forces and psychology were used, in which the arts played an important role, and the arts always turned around, whereby the side that did well in the war forced the weak to accept. Or the dominant party sometimes had to absorb the culture of the defeated nation because the culture of the latter is richer and more advanced. We also believe, based on the long term relationships between the two nations that the Yike drum (which was a sacred instrument used for traditional rituals such as spirits dance-offering in Brahmanism or wedding ceremonies and which later became a sacred instrument for Muslims of the Cham community when Cambodian farmers came to replicate it) became a form of theatrical performance where performers sat in a circle, so that viewers could see from all corners, and a way to promote Brahmanism or Buddhism in Cambodia by playing various Jatakas (Buddha's life stories). Little by little, this form of art advanced and came to be characterized as a genuine Khmer art, and subsequently the popularity of such a form of art expanded among Cambodian farmers, who copied it. Lastly, this art form gained enormous popularity, up to the present time, as a way of presenting the problems of Cambodian people and their daily lives, and to seek solutions by posing questions and responses. Part 2: Textiles in the Angkor Period
The National Museum of Cambodia houses one of the world's greatest collections of Khmer cultural material including sculpture, ceramics and ethnographic objects from the prehistoric, pre-Angkorian, Angkorian and post-Angkorian periods. While the sculpture collection is known worldwide, very few people are aware that the museum also has a small textile collection, or that this collection was once quite large and impressive. Building for the National Museum of Cambodia began in 1917 but even before its inauguration in 1920 the museum’s first director George Groslier, who also designed the museum building, had started collecting textiles for the institution. Most of these textiles were contemporary at the time of collection but there were also a number of ceremonial brocades from the Royal Palace of the former capital of Oudong and numerous pieces of dance costumes, some of which were already quite old. The museum’s archive includes detailed catalogue records for 399 Cambodian textiles and elements of costume collected between 1918 and 1951. Unfortunately only a very small selection of these items seem to have been photographed. Textile collecting took place under three directors, George Groslier, Pierre Dupont and Jean Boisselier, with the vast majority of textile objects acquired in the 1920s. Acquisition of these materials does not appear to have continued beyond the beginning of the 1950s. In addition to the catalogues, records also exist of the display locations within the museum of many of the textiles at different times and of all loans. In 1963, for instance, a group of 21 textiles as well as some costume, masks and headdresses traveled to Japan as part of a large exhibition of Khmer art shown in Toyko, Nagoya and Osaka. The cloths that went to Japan were illustrated in the exhibition catalogue and appeared in its checklist so we know exactly what was shown there. Among the pieces exhibited were splendid ikat pidans featuring elephant motifs, ikat ship cloths and some beautiful sampot hol as well as supplementary weft hipwrappers, furnishing cloths and a pair of wedding trousers. Sadly, however, only a very small number of these textiles are still in the museum’s collection. The objects lent to Japan were all returned safely to Cambodia and appear to have been secure in the museum until after the end of the Khmer Rouge period. From 1975 until early 1979 the museum, along with the rest of Phnom Penh, was abandoned. Although the museum suffered from neglect during those years, the evacuation of Phnom Penh meant the museum’s collection was relatively safe. After the liberation of Phnom Penh on 7 January 1979, the museum was quickly tidied up and it reopened to the public on 13 April 1979, 59 years after opening its doors for the first time. Sadly at some later point many objects, particularly those that were small and valuable, were stolen from the museum. It is suspected that more than two thirds of the museum’s costume and textile collection has disappeared or was stolen. From a group of at least 399 objects, the museum now only holds 72 flat textiles and a costume collection of between 30 and 40 pieces. Environmental and other factors may account for some of the loss, but it is unlikely to have affected so many objects. In addition to its remaining costume and textile collection, the museum still has a good collection of textile technology including a loom and weaving accessories. As with all other missing objects, the museum is very keen to have as many as possible of the textiles that were in its collection located and eventually returned. To that end, I would like to describe the museum’s old textile numbering system so that textiles belonging to the National Museum of Cambodia found in other collections can be identified as such. Although no longer accepted practice, accession numbers were written directly onto the textiles in ink which makes them easy to recognize. The accession code used at the time the textiles were collected begins with a capital letter ‘N’ followed by a 1, 2 or 3 digit number, for example N.678. We have only recently begun our research into the museum’s textile collection which today contains only two sampot hol cloths and no known examples of pidan. It is however, very strong in resist dyed cloths or ‘kiet’, particularly head cloths made by Cambodia’s Cham Muslim people. These richly colored pieces are spectacular works of art and are some of the only textiles of their kind in Southeast Asia to feature figurative designs. While most of these resist dyed pieces are in quite good condition, many of the other textiles in the collection are very fragile and in need of conservation. The display and storage of what remains of the textile collection are areas of great concern to the museum as we want to avoid any further losses or environmental damage. At present, very little of the collection is on display and some of what is on view has been out for many years, since before the civil war, and is very fragile and damaged as a result. However, at the moment we do not have appropriate storage for the costume and textile collection and are reluctant to move these delicate items until there is somewhere safe to store them. The museum is currently looking for financial support to improve the storage of the collection as well as the manner in which objects are displayed and for conservation work to be undertaken. We would welcome any assistance towards achieving these aims. I also hope that in the future the National Museum of Cambodia will be able to afford to again collect textiles. While the Institute for Khmer Traditional Textiles in Siem Reap has put together an extraordinary collection and does wonderful work, it is a shame that there is no strong publicly-owned collection of Cambodian textiles in this country. There is still a rich and active tradition of textile production in Cambodia and it is essential that this be supported and recorded as an important part of the nation’s cultural heritage.
These presentation surveys textiles used for purposes other than costume in the Angkorian period. So far no actual textiles, fragments or threads dating to this period or earlier have been excavated in Cambodia. Neither have other indicators such as impressions on clay, or pseudomorphs (chemical impressions of silk wrappers on bronze artifacts) as have been found on objects excavated from ancient Chinese tombs. So what we have to go on are detailed representations of textiles carved in bas relief most clearly in evidence on gallery walls at Angkor Wat and the Bayon. Reliefs show that patterned cloth was used to make blinds for windows and screens, curtains, litters, parasols, kittisols, fans and upholstery fabric all essential indicators of social status in the lives of the elite. The most common pattern appearing on these fabrics is that of four-petalled flowers. Interestingly similarly patterned fabric is used to construct hipwrappers depicted on figures of both elite and deities. In contrast while other patterns - ‘solar discs’, spots and weft brocade stripes – are depicted on latter-period hipwrappers, these patterns do not appear on décor items. Roundels are the basic motif element of another group of intriguing patterns carved on window and door sills and depicted on panels clearly representing blinds covering balustered windows seen at these same sites. One pattern composition is composed of geometrically-arranged intersecting roundels with flower infills and the other of roundels containing either two confronted, swirling phoenixes or two parrots. These forms seem restricted to use as decorative interior design fabrics and are not in evidence on Khmer costume of the time. These empirical observations focused on patterned cloth, though at first glance seemingly simplistic, do raise a number of fundamental questions. Who wove cloth like this with its quite specific specifications not only wide enough in the weft to reach seamlessly from waist to ankle but also patterned by relatively complex techniques? Indigenous Khmer weavers are known to have woven cotton on backstrap looms at that time. But narrow strips of cloth, the product of simple, foot-braced backstrap looms, are quite inadequate to fashion textiles associated with elite custom described above. Further, what is the significance of the use of carved roundel patterns appearing only on blinds, walls, window and door sills? Answers are sought by examining patterns on extant contemporaneous textiles sourced far beyond the Khmer domain of the time. Fine cotton textile fragments with printed patterns including intersecting roundels just like these were excavated in the 1930s in Fostat (old Cairo). These have been identified as Indian export cloths suggesting that cloth imported from India may have found its way to the Khmer court. While cloth with this pattern does not appear on Khmer costume fabrics, interestingly this pattern does appear on the hipwrappers of many sculpted images of Javanese deities of this period. Whatever maybe the reason this pattern appeals to Khmer taste only as a furnishing fabric, it did clearly did suit costume use in the Javanese tradition. Their source may well also have been India or the cloth may have been the product Java’s own active textile economy of the time. The other roundel-patterned cloths seen on walls at the Bayon feature paired birds, either parrots or phoenixes. Examples of textiles with almost identical patterns, again contemporaneous with the late Angkor period, but sourced in China are relatively well-known in collections. Woven in silk, their motifs are created in the groundweave either by the complex drawloom technique or are embroidered onto the woven cloth. Angkorian palaces are known to have been structures constructed with wooden frames and walls made with forest materials. Clay or straw sufficed as roofing material. Only temples were constructed of permanent materials such as brick or stone. It seems that kings may well have gained supplies of cloth with roundel patterns from both India and China with which to embellish their relatively plain structures. When it came to replicating the use and location of these cloths in stone temples, the palaces of the gods, their more durable carved depictions, would be eminently appropriate. So it seems that the Khmer court during the Angkor period may well have been involved in a flourishing textile import trade with both India and China, this trade catering to a desire and a need for ‘designer labels’ appropriate to their status. Part 3: Cambodian Textile and Khmer and Cham Culture
The Contradictions of Khmer Textile Art and Products in Different Areas Khmer textiles is a form of Khmer art and part of Khmer consciousness for one thousand years. It is an important part of Cambodian cultural identity. During the civil war and Khmer Rouge regime, our culture and also both of cultural sense and identity were destroyed. We lost a lot of artists and tools of national culture. In order to prevent further loss, it is important to revitalize our cultural traditions and pass it down to the next generations. In 1993, the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts made efforts to inspire Khmer artists to use their skills to restore the destroyed art form of silk weaving. Khmer artists showed traditional silk fabrics at a national exhibition in 2000. The last five years of Khmer silk weaving progress has been on the upgrade both in quantity an quality of production. Nowadays, Khmer silk weaving is revitalized in many places such as Kandal province Srok Phonialeu (Koh Dach, Prek Thaong, Kampong Leung, etc) where known as abounding Phamuong (‘Phamuong Leat’ , ‘Phamuong Bontok’ ,‘Phamoung Chorchung’ ), ‘Chou Robab’, ‘Sarong Sot’ and ‘Kroma Sot’, ‘Hol ‘ produces in Takeo province (Srok Bati, Srok Prei Kabas, etc), both modern and ancient Ikat methods are required according to people’s predilections. A different style of Sampot Hol from other provonces is produced in Kampong Cham province (It is famous for its motifs and colors). Artistic weaving of Hol, Sarong and silk Kroma is famous in Prek Chong Kran district. In Banteay Meanchey province in western Cambodia, people follow weaving techniques of their forefathers. Here they produce Phamung leat, Labuk and Kroma. This region is very suitable for sericulture of high quality silk yarn. They also sell silk yarn to other local regions in Cambodia. The weavers along the Lake can produce their own raw materials and don’t need to import raw silk from other countries. Silk weaving of Kampong Speu province is perfected one step at a time. People are wanted to buy Labouk in this district, which is an original style of silk weaving derived from ancient times. For nearly three years, silk weaving efforts have been supported by national and/or international organizations in Siem Reap province. Siem Reap is the main place where they want to secure and spread all kind of Cambodian arts, especially with the rise of tourism and increasing tourists.
Definition Explanation of terms - Labauk: This fabric is made of gold/metal yarn. It has a small flower and a bird figure on the foreground. The fabric is mainly woven in Phnom Srok and Kampong Speu. - Prae Leap: This fabric has a white color but sometimes they dye a black color by the Makleu tree. The fabric has a flower design and it is mainly worn by rural women. - Onlunh: This fabric has many stripes and colors but no motif. Old women mostly wear white or black fabrics with a traditional shirt (Aov Bompong Vaeng) during weddings, festivals or funerals. It is mainly worn by rich women who are already married. - Sarong Sot: This sarong has many colours such as red, yellow, black, blue and white. Now they call them Sarong Por and Sarong Sor. Mostly rich women but sometimes also men wear it in their daily life. One can also find Sarong Sot at traditional dances such as Robam Kon Saeng Sae (love handkerchief dance or better known as the ‘Cham dance’), Robam Kangok Pailen (Peacok dance in Pailen), Robam Poe Tav dance (a woodcutters ritual) and a Miss World competition. -Sa Robarb, Chor Robarb: This fabric is woven with metal, gold or silver threads. The king and queen wear it at festivals or celebrations. One can also find it in the Preah Reach Trop dance, Apsara, Mony and Makala dance. Sometimes it is also worn at weddings. -Sung: This fabric has a silver color motif on the edge. One can see this fabric at the Robam Ka Ngkok Pailen (the peacock dance in Pailen) and Robam Ken (Ken dance) along the Prek Lung channel. - Hol: This Ikat has many kinds of designs. It is a difficult technique and it takes a lot of time to produce a Hol. One can divide Hol in three ways; Hol for man: This Ikat is decorated by large pictures and designs such as Naga, Kom Pich, Angkor, Sovan Mayura, Reach Sei and Horng. Hol for women: This fabric is decorated by small motifs such as ‘Pha Krochab’, ‘Phka Phtom’ and ‘Hol Pha Chung’. Some hol is worn both by men and women such as ‘hol Phka Mates’ and ‘Phka Takol’. - Hol is used for religious ceremonies and a decoration for ceilings in Buddhist temples. One can find designs such as a bird, a temple, a buddha, a boat. A Hol can also cover the Kom Pie (buddhist books in ancient times) such as ‘Hol Phka Takol’, ‘Phka Rung’ and ‘Phkay Pruk’. - Phamung: In contemporary Cambodia people use Phamung instead of Hol at weddings or other ceremonies. Phamung comes from Siam language (Pha=Kronat, Mung=violet color). Khmer weaving however, is not a copy from Siam, because Cambodia already had a weaving culture before the Klung civilization. At this time, we still do not know what the word Phamung meant in that time. Phamung contains more than thirty colors such as red, blue, green, dark red, etc. These colors refer to certain days in the week: Sunday is red, Monday is dark yellow, Tuesday is violet, Wednesday is green, Thursday is light green, Friday is blue and Saturday is dark red. Note: This article was translated from Khmer language into English. Please excuse any change of meaning or misrepresentation that may have occurred in what the author originally wanted to explain.
This presentation focuses on pidan, uniquely Cambodian textiles illustrated with narrative themes. Woven in silk in an uneven twill groundweave they are patterned using the resist, tie-dye method called hol. The word pidan indicates their traditional use as a hanging or canopy. Some antique silk weft hol-patterned pidan are approximately one and a half meters long and ninety cms wide while others though the same width, are over three meters long. The narratives are usually oriented on the cloth to be viewed in the warp direction - the long axis of the textile. A small number of pidan are, however, patterned to be viewed in the weft direction, ninety degrees to the long axis. Despite the veneration with which antique examples are regarded, very little of their traditional function has actually been recorded or researched. Their ‘descendants’ have, however, appeared in the form of so-called ‘elephant and temple’ cloths. These hangings feature a composition with simplified iconic references to the more complex renditions of the same themes as their ancestors. They are used on festive occasions in contemporary Cambodian life such as house building completions; as well as for sale as tourist items. The composition in these antique pictorial pidan employs iconographic images representing three principal themes in Theravada Buddhist belief.
1. The life of Prince
Siddharta, the future Buddha The first theme is characterized by a particular set of iconic references. Prince Siddharta on his white horse secretly leaving the palace in which he has spent the first part of his life. This is followed by further iconic images references such as him cutting off his hair prior to becoming an ascetic; his temptation by the evil Mara; the washing away of Mara by the goddess Durani; his Enlightenment sitting under the bodhi tree and then, as the Buddha, preaching to his father. The second theme, theTrey Phum , is a cosmological scheme depicting the three fundamental realms of the universe – heaven; the world of humans including an enchanted forest Prei Haembopean; and the underworld. And finally pictorial narratives derived from the Vessantara Jataka are minutely portrayed on many pidan again in the form of iconic references. Two functional models with which to enlighten the original purpose for which these Cambodian pidan were created present themselves. The first model draws on images derived from these themes but created in other media. These include sequences of painted or printed panels on wood or board or of murals all located just below the roof in the vihear of a temple complex. Panels with these same images modeled in stucco or carved in wood are also seen but usually on outside the building. A series of fourteen painted cotton panels on the theme of the Vessantara Jataka dated to 1877 still actually in place have been described by Dupaigne. (1) The second model is a religious celebration, Bun Phra Wes (The Festival of Vessantara) celebrated in Isarn, northeast Thailand and in Laos. Here a long cotton banner painted with a sequence of scenes from the Vessantara Jataka is paraded through the village before being hung inside the temple as a backdrop to the monk’s sermon. (2) The woven cotton banner painted with scenes from the Vessantara Jataka paraded through the village serves a similar ultimate purpose as the individual panels. Interestingly at least two examples of a silk weft hol - patterned banner on the Vessantara Jataka theme are known in the form of a long banner. These features undoubtedly relate them to this particular format and function. In the Theravada Buddhist tradition, whatever the medium in which these images are created - painted, printed, modeled in stucco or carved in wood - they provide a visual reference for the monk’s sermon to the community gathered in the vihear. The sermons exhort the members of the community to meritorious deeds, merit being essential to being reborn into a better life. The subjects of the panels are the visual inspiration for this endeavor by adherents. It is proposed here that antique Cambodian silk weft hol pidan patterned with the same didactic images were a uniquely Cambodian response to providing images on these three themes for use as pictorial hanging panels in temples or for celebratory parades. These responses accorded with the needs of Theravada Buddhist practice a century ago and have been largely superseded by less complex image production since then. 1 Dupaigne, B. and Khing Hoc Dy, 1981, Les plus anciennes peintures datees du Cambodge: quatorze episodes du Vessantara Jataka, Arts Asiatiques, Tome XXXVI:26-36. 2 Gittinger, M. & Lefferts, L. 1992, Textiles and the Tai Experience in Southeast Asia, The Textile Museum, Washington DC: p.124
I would like to welcome all participants of this seminar and to say that I am very pleased to be here. I want to thank the Institute for Khmer Traditional Textiles for giving me the chance to demonstrate the meaning of ‘Khmer Hol’ design, which is such an important part of the history of our culture. At this time, I also want to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Khmer Japan friendship. This friendship and Japanese aid is very important among others for the rebuilding of Cambodian infrastructure. In this presentation, I would like to explain about traditional textile art and the effect it has on the lives of the people in Cambodia. In doing so, I want to explain some characteristics of traditional silk culture in detail. 1) The history the word Mae (mother) in Cambodian culture We know that from the beginning of the century, the word Mae is an important part of Cambodian traditional custom and culture. The word Mae refers to the queen Soma (or Liv-Yi in Chinese) and has many meanings. It refers for instance to the worship of the ancient spirit ‘Neak ta’, which comes from the words Neak _Neakk_ Neang_ Srey _Mae (Mekong Metophum). It also refers to the word Me bar (Male + female) (water + land). *Neak (Naga) means immortality. In Khmer society, Mae is the main figure or person. It refers to important things or positions such as the roof of a house, leaders, chiefs or managers. In Khmer language one can see the word Mae as follows: Mae Krom (Chief Group), Mae Phum (Village head) , Mae Srok (District leader), Mae Duk Num (Manager), Mae Top (Soldier chief), Mae Kun (Chief of Monk), Mae Dombol (High or the top), Mae Dai (Biggest), Mae Pteas (family leader), Mae Chor (The leader of a gang) 2) Traditional wedding in Khmer society - A man asks a woman to marry him - Preas Tong (king) carries the scarf of the Neang Neak (woman) walking behind her. - In accordance to Khmer tradition, a wedding takes three days. The Bride and Bridegroom wear garments with jewelery and are surrounded by many participants. By wearing the garment the bride and bridegroom show respect to their parents.
3) Khmer traditional dances
4) Traditional equipment used in a Khmer family
5) Design and colors of Khmer Hol
6) Legend of NAGA (Monk
ceremony)
Conclusion
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